Cyrus Mehta

The Rescission of  Trump’s Buy American Hire American Will Benefit Immigrants and America

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By Cyrus D. Mehta

On January 25, 2021, President  Biden signed an executive order entitled the Future  is Made in All of America by All of America’s Workers. This executive order revokes Trump’s Buy American Hire American Executive Order (BAHA), 13788, of April 18, 2017. Although President Biden’s Buy American executive order requires government agencies to purchase goods and services from US companies, as a way to boost production within the United States, it is not designed to impede immigration or hurt immigrants. While Biden’s Buy American executive order has also been  criticized in some quarters as representing  bad economics – since forcing the government to buy only American products may raise the average cost and lower the average quality of everything the government buys – the purpose  of this blog is not to critique the economics behind Biden’s executive order but to celebrate the demise of BAHA.

Section 5 of the BAHA EO stated:

Sec. 5. Ensuring the Integrity of the Immigration System in Order to “Hire American.” (a) In order to advance the policy outlined in section 2(b) of this order, the Secretary of State, the Attorney General, the Secretary of Labor, and the Secretary of Homeland Security shall, as soon as practicable, and consistent with applicable law, propose new rules and issue new guidance, to supersede or revise previous rules and guidance if appropriate, to protect the interests of United States workers in the administration of our immigration system, including through the prevention of fraud or abuse.

(b) In order to promote the proper functioning of the H-1B visa program, the Secretary of State, the Attorney General, the Secretary of Labor, and the Secretary of Homeland Security shall, as soon as practicable, suggest reforms to help ensure that H-1B visas are awarded to the most-skilled or highest-paid petition beneficiaries.

When BAHA was announced with great fanfare in April 2017, USCIS reviewed all its regulations, policies, and programs to comport with BAHA.  BAHA was issued on the false premise that immigrants took away American jobs and were a threat to American workers. BAHA also falsely believed that immigration is a zero sum game where the presence of an immigrant in the US displaces a US worker. However, immigration can also be viewed as enhancing American jobs and foreign nationals complement US workers thus creating more growth and opportunities for further job creation.  The BAHA executive order explicitly highlighted the H-1B visa program and directed the agencies to ensure that H-1B visas are awarded to the most skilled and highest-paid beneficiaries even though there was no basis to do that in the Immigration and Nationality Act. The USCIS began to deny routine H-1B and L-1 visa extensions in the name of BAHA.  The State Department followed suit and so did the Justice Department and all other agencies in charge of implementing US immigration law. BAHA resulted in unfair denials of H-1B and L-1 petitions, and even US consuls at the State Department began asking visa applicants whether their entry into the US would comport with BAHA.

Even though there was no requirement in the INA for a demonstration that  US workers would not be displaced when approving visa applications – for example, an intracompany transferee need not demonstrate that he or she will not be displacing Americans, or create new jobs – attorneys prepared visa applicants to demonstrate how their entry in the US would result in more jobs for US workers and thus be consistent with BAHA. This author advised in a prior blog that attorneys should not suck up to BAHA as there was no standard set forth to determine how  a visa entrant would result in more jobs for American workers. BAHA now thankfully does not exist and attorneys need not have to go through the charade of coaching their clients to show how their entry would be consistent with BAHA even though those standards were nonexistent under the INA.

BAHA stemmed from Trump’s America First policy that disgracefully influenced how the United States viewed trade, immigration, the environment and global alliances. It was a radical departure from how the United States viewed itself before Trump took office. While previously the United States took the lead in forging the Paris climate accord, Trump withdrew from it. While the United States had promoted free trade as a basis for growing prosperity between nations, Trump withdrew from the Trans Pacific Partnership, which took years to negotiate under American leadership, and he also withdrew from other global alliances. Although the title was deceptive, Trump’s America First doctrine, unfortunately, abdicated America’s leadership role in the world. This thankfully will be restored by President Biden and without America First or BAHA guiding his administration.

It is worth noting that the term America First also has an ignoble history, and was associated with anti-Semitism.  The America First Committee (AFC) was founded in 1940 and opposed the involvement of the United States in World War II. AFC’s most notable spokesman Charles Lindbergh, the aviator, expressed not only sympathy for the persecution of Jews in  Nazi Germany, but further suggested that Jews were advocating that the United States enter a war that was not in the national interest. The AFC met a sudden death a few months later by disbanding when Japan attacked Pearl Harbor, which naturally propelled America’s involvement in World War II.

Now BAHA is dead, and can no longer roil US immigration policy. No longer may USCIS issue a BAHA report card each year boasting on how well it has done under BAHA by denying visa applications and harassing immigrants. Even pending regulations designed to impede legal immigration into the US, such as the new H-1B lottery rule, may no longer rely on BAHA to move forward although this in itself may not be the basis to invalidate them in court.  The newly promulgated DOL wage rule that artificially increases prevailing wages, thus creating obstacles for employers to obtain H-1B visas and permanent residency for foreign nationals, also mentions the BAHA executive order several times. The USCIS policy that rescinded giving deference to prior successful adjudications was based on BAHA (USCIS has touted this as one of its BAHA accomplishments).  It is hoped that immigration policies and rules that were issued under BAHA, now rescinded, can provide an excuse for the Biden administration to abandon them as well as potentially provide further ammunition to litigators who challenge them in court. Even those who received denials of visa petitions or applications that cited BAHA can potentially use that as a basis to challenge them in court or through additional administrative review.

The rescission of BAHA should also pave the way for new progressive laws and policies that view immigrants as an asset to the nation rather than a threat, which in turn will benefit both immigrants and America.

 

 

 

Cyrus Mehta

President Biden Ushers in New Hope on Immigration after Trump’s Destructive and Xenophobic Four Years

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By Cyrus D. Mehta & Kaitlyn Box*

There is much for all of us to be excited about after President Biden’s inauguration on January 20, 2021 when he aggressively rescinded many of Trump’s most damaging immigration actions. We were also relieved to wake up on Saturday morning to find that there was no Friday midnight Trump regulation night aimed to hurt immigrants or put a further roadblock on legal immigration. What a nice feeling after four nightmare years.

On his first day, President Biden proposed bold new legislation and changes to our immigration system and reversed some of the most devastating policies of the last four years.  The Muslim and Africa bans were rescinded with great aplomb. We have written many blogs, here, here and here, for example,  arguing  and despairing how Trump abused his authority under INA 212(f) to ban whole countries, visa categories and millions of immigrants. While it took so much litigation challenging the Muslim ban, which the Supreme Court unfortunately upheld in Trump v. Hawaii,  it was so heartening to see President Biden rescind the ban with the stroke of a pen. The following words from the proclamation brought vindication to all our efforts to confirming how immoral the ban was:

The United States was built on a foundation of religious freedom and tolerance, a principle enshrined in the United States Constitution.  Nevertheless, the previous administration enacted a number of Executive Orders and Presidential Proclamations that prevented certain individuals from entering the United States — first from primarily Muslim countries, and later, from largely African countries.  Those actions are a stain on our national conscience and are inconsistent with our long history of welcoming people of all faiths and no faith at all.

Beyond contravening our values, these Executive Orders and Proclamations have undermined our national security.  They have jeopardized our global network of alliances and partnerships and are a moral blight that has dulled the power of our example the world over.  And they have separated loved ones, inflicting pain that will ripple for years to come.  They are just plain wrong.

On the last day of 2020, Trump issued a Presidential Proclamation extending two previous Proclamations – Proclamation 10014 (Suspension of Entry of Immigrants Who Present a Risk to the United States Labor Market During the Economic Recovery Following the 2019 Novel Coronavirus Outbreak) and Proclamation 10052 (Suspension of Entry of Immigrants and Nonimmigrants Who Present a Risk to the United States Labor Market During the Economic Recovery Following the 2019 Novel Coronavirus Outbreak). Proclamation 10014, signed in April 2020, suspends certain green card applications, and restricts some nonimmigrant visa categories. Proclamation 10052 of June 22, 2020, itself an expansion of Proclamation 10014, curtailed the entry of individuals who were outside the United States without a visa or other immigration document on the effective date of the proclamation and were seeking to obtain an H-1B visa, H-2B visa, L visa or certain categories of the J visa. Our previous blog discusses Proclamation 10052 in detail, and another blog discussed the fate of these bans even after the Biden administration takes over. A group of individuals who have been barred from obtaining a visa due to Proclamation 10052 have brought a lawsuit in federal court urging the Biden administration to rescind the ban and resume visa processing. It is sincerely hoped that President Biden rescinds these bans rather than waits till March 31 to allow them to lapse.

Below, is a summary of some of the salutary executive actions that have taken place thus far.

Below is a summary of the legislative proposals:

President Biden will soon send a proposed immigration reform bill to Congress. According to a fact sheet issued by the White House, the legislation, called the “U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021,” would:

  • Provide worker protections and improvements to the employment verification process.
  • Clear employment-based visa backlogs by not counting family members, recapture unused visas, reduce lengthy wait times, and eliminate per-country visa caps.
  • Make it easier for graduates of U.S. universities with advanced STEM degrees to stay in the United States.
  • Create an earned roadmap to citizenship for undocumented individuals, allowing undocumented persons to apply for temporary legal status and apply for a green card after five years if they pass criminal and national security background checks and pay their taxes. DACA “Dreamers,” temporary protected status beneficiaries, and immigrant farmworkers who meet specific requirements would be eligible for green cards immediately. After three years, all green card holders who pass additional checks and demonstrate knowledge of English and U.S. civics could apply for U.S. citizenship. Applicants must be physically present in the United States on or before January 1, 2021. A waiver is included for certain family unity or other humanitarian purposes.
  • Reform family-based immigration.
  • Increase diversity visas from 55,000 to 80,000.
  • Promote immigrant and refugee integration and citizenship.
  • Prioritize border controls that include technology and infrastructure improvements.
  • Manage the border and provide various resources to protect border communities.
  • Crack down on criminal organizations.
  • Address underlying regional causes of migration.
  • Reform immigration courts.
  • Support asylum seekers and other vulnerable populations.
  • Change the word “alien” to “noncitizen” in U.S. immigration laws.

While it is easier for President Biden to rescind Trump’s executive actions, it will be harder to pass sweeping comprehensive immigration reform through Congress when the Senate is controlled 50-50 by Democrats and Republicans unless the filibuster is eliminated. To pass a reform bill, the administration would need to win the support of at least 10 Republican Senators, a formidable task since many Senate Republicans supported the supported Trump’s draconian immigration policies. See, e.g., Seung Min Kim, Biden to propose overhaul of immigration laws on first day in office, The Wash. Post (Jan. 18, 2021), https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/biden-immigration-plan/2021/01/18/f0526824-59a8-11eb-a976-bad6431e03e2_story.html. However, there may be a chance for more narrow legislation to pass. Democrats have called for an agreement on the DACA program, for example, or the creation of a pathway to citizenship for essential workers. Biden must also boldly press forward with executive actions if Congress does not pass meaningful reform such as not counting family members under a reinterpretation of INA 203(d) or advancing filing dates so that many more can file adjustment of status applications.

Some of Biden’s executive actions will also be challenged in court, such as the Texas lawsuit objecting to  the 100 day pause on deportations. The suit alleged that the pause violated the president’s constitutional duty to execute the law, and agreement DHS had made to consult with the state of Texas and provide six months’ notice before softening any immigration enforcement policies. It further alleges that the state will face irreparable harm and suffer security challenges at the border because it did not receive advance notice of the pause. This challenge should fail as a prior president cannot bind a new president to an agreement with a state to notify it on any changes in its deportation policy and a state’s objections to federal immigration policy ought to also fail under the preemption doctrine.

As a result of the 60 day pause on pending regulations, the proposed Trump midnight rule that would require secondary employers to also file H-1B petitions has been tossed, which our previous blog had discussed.  The H-1B lottery rule that would select applicants based on wages will likely not take effect until March 21, 2021, which would most probably result in not taking effect this year. The DOL wage rule will still take effect on July 1, 2021 notwithstanding the 60 day pause, and we hope that there will be successful court challenges to this as well as the H-1B lottery rule  as these rules are inconsistent with the Immigration and Nationality Act. See Stuart Anderson, The Biden Administration and What Happens to Trump’s H-1B Visa Rules, https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2021/01/21/the-biden-administration-and-what-happens-to-trumps-h-1b-visa-rules/?sh=1932b7af726b.

All these challenges and obstacles come as no surprise and are inevitable. Still, the fact that we have a new president who has already brought about a sea change in the first few days on how the US views immigrants after Trump’s four nasty years comes as welcome relief.  We look forward to changes that not just reverse Trump’s destructive and xenophobic policies but also usher in transformative changes, both legislative and executive, that can help millions of immigrants and also benefit America.

 

*Kaitlyn Box graduated with a JD from Penn State Law in 2020, and works as a Law Clerk at Cyrus D. Mehta & Partners P

Cyrus Mehta

Trump’s Final Attacks on H-1B Visas and Legal Immigration: Reintroduction of the Wage Rule and Rule Requiring Client Companies to File H-1B Petitions 

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By Cyrus D. Mehta & Kaitlyn Box* 

Although President Trump is on his way out, his administration has promulgated two new rules that will have a devastating impact on the H-1B visa program and legal immigration.

Reissuance of DOL Wage Rule

 On January 12, 2021 the Department of Labor (DOL) published an advance copy of a final rule which changes the way in which prevailing wage levels will be computed for purposes of permanent labor certifications and Labor Condition Applications (LCAs). The final rule is expected to be published on January 14, 2021. The new rule will raise all four salary tiers, with the Level I wage, currently set at around the 17th percentile, eventually increasing to approximately the 35th percentile. However, the new rule acknowledges that an abrupt transition to the new wage levels could be disruptive to the economy and detrimental to U.S. employers, so the DOL will gradually introduce the new wages over a period of a year and a half, with the first increase set to take place on July 1, 2021. For H-1B workers who were the beneficiaries of approved I-140 petitions as of October 8, 2021, the phase-in period for the increased wages is extended over a three- and- a -half year period. See Stuart Anderson, DOL H-1B Visa Wage Rule: Donald Trump’s Bad Parting Gift To Immigrants, Forbes (Jan. 13, 2021), https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2021/01/13/dol-h-1b-visa-wage-rule-donald-trumps-bad-parting-gift-to-immigrants/ for a detailed summary of the phase-in.  

This rule was initially published with an effective date of October 8, 2020, but was struck down in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia last month on the ground that the COVID-19 pandemic did not give the DOL sufficient cause to publish the rule without a notice and comment period. Purdue University, et al., v. Scalia, et al., Civ. Actin No. 20-3006 (2020).  

Though the new wages themselves will be gradually phased in, the new rule will go into effect 60 days after publication, absent intervention from the Biden administration. Despite the phase in, the new wage levels will have no bearing to wages paid to US workers. They will not reflect prevailing or market wages and will be set at artificially high levels, thus rendering it difficult for an employer to either sponsor a new H-1B worker or retain an existing  H-1B worker at the time of renewal.  The American Immigration Lawyers’ Association (AILA) has reported that President-Elect Biden’s transition team will issue a memorandum on January 20, 2020 that will delay for 60 days the implementation of this and other last-minute regulations promulgated in the last days of the Trump presidency. 

Requirement to File H-1B Petitions by Employer and Third Party Client

On Friday, January 15, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) quietly issued a new rule aimed at demolishing the H-1B visa program. The Department of Labor (DOL) also issued accompanying new guidance entitled “H-1B Program Bulletin Clarifying Filing Requirements for Labor Condition Applications by Secondary Employers at 20 C.F.R. §§ 655.715 and 655.730(a)”. The DHS rule is a limited version of a proposed rule published in October, the implementation of which was enjoined, and will take effect 180 days after publication in the Federal Register.  

The DHS rule changes and broadens the definition of the employer-employee relationship by incorporating common law elements into the definition of an employer. Historically, USCIS has been concerned with whether a petitioner who file an H-1B petition and then sends the beneficiary to a third-party worksite is the true employer of that beneficiary. The DHS rule, after taking into account comments made in response to the prior H-1B proposed rule, has now broadened the definition of the employer-employee relationship. 

However, the USCIS, by broadening the employer-employee definition, is now requiring the entities who use the services of the H-1B worker to also file H-1B petitions if they meet the broader definition of employer. The DOL’s corresponding guidance announced that it is reinterpreting its regulation to also require such “secondary employers” to file the LCA and H-1B petition. This departure completely contradicts USCIS’ concerns about whether the petitioner of an H-1B worker is a genuine employer or not by now rendering even the user of the H-1B worker’s services an employer.  

This outcome was never contemplated in the initial proposed H-1B rule which was blocked in court, and stake holders were not given an opportunity to comment on this aspect of the rule, which will create a radical paradigm shift. “Secondary employers” will have difficulty even complying with the rule since they do not pay the H-1B worker’s wages. The concept of secondary employment has existed in DOL regulations with respect to dependent employers and willful violators who needed to ascertain whether the assigning of an H-1B worker with a secondary employer would displace US workers. In 2000, the Fifth Circuit in Defensor v. Meissner also viewed a hospital that used the nurses of a staffing company as a secondary employer, but the Court developed this analytical framework of two employers to determine whether the hospital, as a secondary employer, required the nurses to have a bachelor’s degree or whether it was only the staffing company’s requirement. Defensor v. Meissner, 201 F. 3d 384 (5th Cir. 2000). However, those applications of “secondary employer” were limited to the dependent employer’s obligation to ensure there was no displacement of US workers when an H-1B worker was placed with a secondary employer, or in the case of Defensor v. Meissner, used to determine whether the position qualified for H-1B classification. The DOL uses this term in an unprecedented way, and this new interpretation will adversely impact the H-1B visa program – if not kill it completely.  

While this Friday night Trump rule in the waning days of a failed presidency has been designed to kill the India heritage IT industry, it will also hurt corporate America, which relies on this IT industry to keep humming away, creating jobs, and thus remaining competitive in the global economy. The change will also do significant harm to other sectors as well that involve third-party placements, including nursing, consulting, audit, engineering services among many others. 

However, the Biden administration may forestall the implementation of this rule after January 20th. The rule is likely to be politically unpalatable, even to Democrats who disfavor the H-1B visa program, given how overbroad and radical it is, as well as the deleterious impact it would have on the American economy and U.S. companies who use H-1B workers.  

The DHS circumvented the notice and comment process in promulgating this rule, alleging that the change in the employer definition would be inconsequential. Nothing could be further from the truth as the new rule requires the end client to also file an H-1B petition. To IT consulting companies, H-1B workers, and third parties who use the services of the workers, however, this rule would be catastrophic. By implementing an expanded definition of “employer”, the DHS and DOL will force third parties who do not pay an H-1B worker’s wage to file LCAs and H-1B petitions, interfering in contractual obligations and perhaps even forcing end clients to disclose confidential wage information. These secondary employers, according to a DOL Field Assistance Bulletin  that was issued upon the promulgation of the DHS rule, will need to comply with all the required wage and other obligations under the Labor Condition Application, along with maintaining their own pubic access file.  

This disconnect between the DHS statement and the rule’s true breadth could render  it even more vulnerable to the legal challenges that are sure to come.  For instance,  the Supreme Court in Kisor v. Wilkie, 139 S.Ct. 2400 (2019) recently held that  government agencies no longer get unbridled deference to interpret their  own regulations as they did under a previous holding, Auer v. Robbins, 519 US 452 (1997). While the need for a secondary employer to file an H-1B petition has been suggested in the preamble to the rule, it is not stated in the actual rule, which defines the employer in a broader sense but does not include any definition of “secondary employer”  or the need to file an H-1B petition. The DHS and DOL cannot now reinterpret the new definition of employer to require multiple H-1B petitions on behalf of the same H-1B worker when the new rule does not contain this requirement, and which has never been the authoritative position of the agency and has taken stakeholders by unfair surprise. There is a good argument to make to a court that this interpretation of the new rule ought to be held unreasonable under Kisor v. Wilkie. 

Even though Trump will exit on January 20, his attacks on legal immigration through last minute regulations such as the ones above will take time to challenge, unravel and rescind.

 *Kaitlyn Box graduated with a JD from Penn State Law in 2020, and works as a Law Clerk at Cyrus D. Mehta & Partners PLLC. 

 

Cyrus Mehta

Extending the Immigrant and Nonimmigrant Visa Bans: The Last Gasps of 212(f) Jurisprudence Under Trump

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By Cyrus D. Mehta & Kaitlyn Box*

On the last day of 2020, Trump issued a Presidential Proclamation extending two previous Proclamations – Proclamation 10014 (Suspension of Entry of Immigrants Who Present a Risk to the United States Labor Market During the Economic Recovery Following the 2019 Novel Coronavirus Outbreak) and Proclamation 10052 (Suspension of Entry of Immigrants and Nonimmigrants Who Present a Risk to the United States Labor Market During the Economic Recovery Following the 2019 Novel Coronavirus Outbreak). Proclamation 10014, signed in April 2020, suspends certain green card applications, and restricts some nonimmigrant visa categories. Proclamation 10052 of June 22, 2020, itself an expansion of Proclamation 10014, curtailed the entry of individuals who were outside the United States without a visa or other immigration document on the effective date of the proclamation and were seeking to obtain an H-1B visa, H-2B visa, L visa or certain categories of the J visa. Our previous blog discusses Proclamation 10052 in detail.

Trump’s latest Proclamation extends the restrictions imposed by the previous Proclamations to March 31, 2021. The administration’s stated rationale for the Proclamation is high unemployment due to the COVID-19 pandemic, and a desire to preserve as many jobs as possible for American workers. This reasoning stands in sharp contrast to Trump’s recent boast that unemployment rates have fallen below 6.7%. It appears that the Proclamation is actually the Trump administration’s last effort at restricting the immigration of highly skilled workers before President-elect Biden takes office in January. The extensions continue to rely on INA 212(f), which gives the president broad power to suspend the entry of foreign nationals whose entry would be detrimental to the interests of the US.  While invoking INA 212(f), Trump has invented new law regarding visa categories outside what Congress enacted through the Immigration and Nationality Act.  Trump relied on INA 212(f) to issue the various iterations of the travel ban and Presidential Proclamation 9822, which banned individuals who cross the Southern border between ports of entry from applying for asylum in the United States, to cite only a few examples.  Another example where the Trump administration invented the law, as discussed in a prior blog,  was in the exceptions to Proclamation 10052. One exception can be availed of by showing that the H-1B worker  is being paid 15% over the prevailing wage. The additional wage requirement is entirely absent from the INA.

Like planting a time bomb, the Trump administration has foisted on Biden the unpleasant choice of rescinding the Proclamation come January 20, likely to be a politically unpalatable move given that unemployment rates will probably remain high in the coming months as the pandemic drags on, or letting the Proclamation expire on its own on March 31, 2021. Regardless of which strategy the Biden administration chooses to pursue, would-be immigrants and highly-skilled foreign workers can take comfort in the fact that the Proclamation will be relatively short lived.

If the Biden administration chooses to rescind the proclamations before March 31, they must be mindful of a recent Ninth Circuit decision which has also upheld the Trump administration’s invocation of 212(f), this time as the authority for Presidential Proclamation 9945, “Suspension of Entry of Immigrants Who Will Financially Burden the United States Healthcare System, in Order to Protect the Availability of Healthcare Benefits for Americans.”, which barred immigrant visa applicants for entering the United States unless they could demonstrate the ability to acquire health insurance within 30 days of entry or pay for healthcare expenses on their own.  John Doe #1 v. Trump, No. 19-36020, D.C. No. 3:19-cv-1743-SI, *1-2 (9th Cir. 2020). In Doe #1 v. Trump, the plaintiffs alleged, among other causes of action, that Proclamation 9945 exceeded the President’s authority under INA § 212(f). Id. at 10. The Ninth Circuit rejected this argument and upheld the healthcare proclamation, citing to Trump v. Hawaii in stating that INA § 212(f) grants the President broad discretion to restrict entry. Id. at 22; Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392, 2407 (2018). The court reasoned that INA § 212(f) limits the President’s authority in three ways – the President must find that entry of a certain class of immigrants is detrimental to U.S. interests, the limitations on entry imposed must be “temporally limited”, and the President must properly identify the “class of aliens” who are subject to the restrictions. John Doe #1 v. Trump at *22-26. The Ninth Circuit also indicated that another potential limitation is that a proclamation may not “expressly override” a provision of the INA, which may exist where the statute solves the “exact problem” as the proclamation. Thus, even if the healthcare proclamation overlapped with the public charge ground of inadmissibility at INA 212(a)(4), the imposition of an additional ground of inadmissibility via INA 212(f) will not be viewed as the proclamation overriding the public charge provision.  Finding that Proclamation 9945 did not exceed any of these limitations, the court upheld it as a valid exercise of the President’s authority under INA § 212(f). Id. at *26.

The Ninth Circuit’s decision in Doe #1 v. Trump may, unfortunately, make it more difficult to challenge Presidential Proclamations issued in reliance on INA § 212(f) as an invalid exercise of Presidential authority. However, the decision can be read narrowly to apply only to Proclamation 9945. It might also give ammunition to those who may wish to challenge Biden’s authority to rescind Proclamation 9945 and the extended Proclamations 10052 and 10014. The new administration must carefully  follow the holding in the Supreme Court’s decision in  Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California in rescinding Trump’s proclamations under INA 212(f) to ensure the rescissions are not found to be arbitrary and capricious under the Administrative Procedure Act. The Biden administration must provide a detailed and cogent reason for rescinding Trump’s proclamations. In Department of Homeland Security v. Regents, in which the Supreme Court held that the rescission of DACA was a violation of the APA, the Court stated that an agency must comply “with the procedural requirement that it provide a reasoned explanation for its action” in rescinding an existing policy. Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California, 591 U. S. ___, *29(2020). Special consideration should also be accorded to “whether longstanding policies may have ‘engendered serious reliance interests that must be taken into account.’” Encino Motorcars, LLC v. Navarro, 579 U. S. ___, (2016) (slip op., at 9) (quoting Fox Television, 556 U. S., at 515). A previous blog post discusses Department of Homeland Security v. Regents in greater detail. Given the detrimental impact that Proclamation 9945, together with Proclamations 10052 and 10014, has on U.S. interests, it is hoped that the Biden administration will be able to provide ample and well-reasoned justifications for rescission. Should President-elect Biden rescind the healthcare Proclamation soon after taking office, and withdraw the appeal before the Ninth Circuit’s mandate ensues after 45 days, the opinion may become a moot one.

The Doe #1 v. Trump opinion may limit the avenues for challenging Proclamation 9945, along with Proclamations 10052 and 10014. Although the ban [on H-1B and L-1 workers] was enjoined by the court in NAM (National Association of Manufacturers) v Trump, that ruling was limited to the plaintiff organizations that brought the suit. Therefore, the extension will still be effective on others. The Ninth Circuit’s ruling in the healthcare proclamation case, Doe 1 v. Trump,  may have jeopardized NAM v. Trump, already limited in its application, since the decision in NAM v. Trump was based partly on the idea that the healthcare Proclamation exceeded presidential power. However, all this may not matter if Biden withdraws the appeal before the mandate ensues and also rescinds Proclamation 10052.

We trust that the Biden administration will ensure that Doe #1 v. Trump does not become precedent in the Ninth Circuit, and that it will carefully rescind Trump’s proclamation.

 

*Kaitlyn Box graduated with a JD from Penn State Law in 2020, and works as a Law Clerk at Cyrus D. Mehta & Partners PLLC.