Tag Archive for: President Trump

Cyrus Mehta

Extending the Immigrant and Nonimmigrant Visa Bans: The Last Gasps of 212(f) Jurisprudence Under Trump

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By Cyrus D. Mehta & Kaitlyn Box*

On the last day of 2020, Trump issued a Presidential Proclamation extending two previous Proclamations – Proclamation 10014 (Suspension of Entry of Immigrants Who Present a Risk to the United States Labor Market During the Economic Recovery Following the 2019 Novel Coronavirus Outbreak) and Proclamation 10052 (Suspension of Entry of Immigrants and Nonimmigrants Who Present a Risk to the United States Labor Market During the Economic Recovery Following the 2019 Novel Coronavirus Outbreak). Proclamation 10014, signed in April 2020, suspends certain green card applications, and restricts some nonimmigrant visa categories. Proclamation 10052 of June 22, 2020, itself an expansion of Proclamation 10014, curtailed the entry of individuals who were outside the United States without a visa or other immigration document on the effective date of the proclamation and were seeking to obtain an H-1B visa, H-2B visa, L visa or certain categories of the J visa. Our previous blog discusses Proclamation 10052 in detail.

Trump’s latest Proclamation extends the restrictions imposed by the previous Proclamations to March 31, 2021. The administration’s stated rationale for the Proclamation is high unemployment due to the COVID-19 pandemic, and a desire to preserve as many jobs as possible for American workers. This reasoning stands in sharp contrast to Trump’s recent boast that unemployment rates have fallen below 6.7%. It appears that the Proclamation is actually the Trump administration’s last effort at restricting the immigration of highly skilled workers before President-elect Biden takes office in January. The extensions continue to rely on INA 212(f), which gives the president broad power to suspend the entry of foreign nationals whose entry would be detrimental to the interests of the US.  While invoking INA 212(f), Trump has invented new law regarding visa categories outside what Congress enacted through the Immigration and Nationality Act.  Trump relied on INA 212(f) to issue the various iterations of the travel ban and Presidential Proclamation 9822, which banned individuals who cross the Southern border between ports of entry from applying for asylum in the United States, to cite only a few examples.  Another example where the Trump administration invented the law, as discussed in a prior blog,  was in the exceptions to Proclamation 10052. One exception can be availed of by showing that the H-1B worker  is being paid 15% over the prevailing wage. The additional wage requirement is entirely absent from the INA.

Like planting a time bomb, the Trump administration has foisted on Biden the unpleasant choice of rescinding the Proclamation come January 20, likely to be a politically unpalatable move given that unemployment rates will probably remain high in the coming months as the pandemic drags on, or letting the Proclamation expire on its own on March 31, 2021. Regardless of which strategy the Biden administration chooses to pursue, would-be immigrants and highly-skilled foreign workers can take comfort in the fact that the Proclamation will be relatively short lived.

If the Biden administration chooses to rescind the proclamations before March 31, they must be mindful of a recent Ninth Circuit decision which has also upheld the Trump administration’s invocation of 212(f), this time as the authority for Presidential Proclamation 9945, “Suspension of Entry of Immigrants Who Will Financially Burden the United States Healthcare System, in Order to Protect the Availability of Healthcare Benefits for Americans.”, which barred immigrant visa applicants for entering the United States unless they could demonstrate the ability to acquire health insurance within 30 days of entry or pay for healthcare expenses on their own.  John Doe #1 v. Trump, No. 19-36020, D.C. No. 3:19-cv-1743-SI, *1-2 (9th Cir. 2020). In Doe #1 v. Trump, the plaintiffs alleged, among other causes of action, that Proclamation 9945 exceeded the President’s authority under INA § 212(f). Id. at 10. The Ninth Circuit rejected this argument and upheld the healthcare proclamation, citing to Trump v. Hawaii in stating that INA § 212(f) grants the President broad discretion to restrict entry. Id. at 22; Trump v. Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392, 2407 (2018). The court reasoned that INA § 212(f) limits the President’s authority in three ways – the President must find that entry of a certain class of immigrants is detrimental to U.S. interests, the limitations on entry imposed must be “temporally limited”, and the President must properly identify the “class of aliens” who are subject to the restrictions. John Doe #1 v. Trump at *22-26. The Ninth Circuit also indicated that another potential limitation is that a proclamation may not “expressly override” a provision of the INA, which may exist where the statute solves the “exact problem” as the proclamation. Thus, even if the healthcare proclamation overlapped with the public charge ground of inadmissibility at INA 212(a)(4), the imposition of an additional ground of inadmissibility via INA 212(f) will not be viewed as the proclamation overriding the public charge provision.  Finding that Proclamation 9945 did not exceed any of these limitations, the court upheld it as a valid exercise of the President’s authority under INA § 212(f). Id. at *26.

The Ninth Circuit’s decision in Doe #1 v. Trump may, unfortunately, make it more difficult to challenge Presidential Proclamations issued in reliance on INA § 212(f) as an invalid exercise of Presidential authority. However, the decision can be read narrowly to apply only to Proclamation 9945. It might also give ammunition to those who may wish to challenge Biden’s authority to rescind Proclamation 9945 and the extended Proclamations 10052 and 10014. The new administration must carefully  follow the holding in the Supreme Court’s decision in  Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California in rescinding Trump’s proclamations under INA 212(f) to ensure the rescissions are not found to be arbitrary and capricious under the Administrative Procedure Act. The Biden administration must provide a detailed and cogent reason for rescinding Trump’s proclamations. In Department of Homeland Security v. Regents, in which the Supreme Court held that the rescission of DACA was a violation of the APA, the Court stated that an agency must comply “with the procedural requirement that it provide a reasoned explanation for its action” in rescinding an existing policy. Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California, 591 U. S. ___, *29(2020). Special consideration should also be accorded to “whether longstanding policies may have ‘engendered serious reliance interests that must be taken into account.’” Encino Motorcars, LLC v. Navarro, 579 U. S. ___, (2016) (slip op., at 9) (quoting Fox Television, 556 U. S., at 515). A previous blog post discusses Department of Homeland Security v. Regents in greater detail. Given the detrimental impact that Proclamation 9945, together with Proclamations 10052 and 10014, has on U.S. interests, it is hoped that the Biden administration will be able to provide ample and well-reasoned justifications for rescission. Should President-elect Biden rescind the healthcare Proclamation soon after taking office, and withdraw the appeal before the Ninth Circuit’s mandate ensues after 45 days, the opinion may become a moot one.

The Doe #1 v. Trump opinion may limit the avenues for challenging Proclamation 9945, along with Proclamations 10052 and 10014. Although the ban [on H-1B and L-1 workers] was enjoined by the court in NAM (National Association of Manufacturers) v Trump, that ruling was limited to the plaintiff organizations that brought the suit. Therefore, the extension will still be effective on others. The Ninth Circuit’s ruling in the healthcare proclamation case, Doe 1 v. Trump,  may have jeopardized NAM v. Trump, already limited in its application, since the decision in NAM v. Trump was based partly on the idea that the healthcare Proclamation exceeded presidential power. However, all this may not matter if Biden withdraws the appeal before the mandate ensues and also rescinds Proclamation 10052.

We trust that the Biden administration will ensure that Doe #1 v. Trump does not become precedent in the Ninth Circuit, and that it will carefully rescind Trump’s proclamation.

 

*Kaitlyn Box graduated with a JD from Penn State Law in 2020, and works as a Law Clerk at Cyrus D. Mehta & Partners PLLC.

 

 

 

Cyrus Mehta

The Impossible Feat of Determining Who is an “Illegal Alien” Under Trump’s Unconstitutional Census Executive Order

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In line with other xenophobic actions too numerous to keep tabs on, President Trump issued a Presidential Memorandum dated July 21, 2020 entitled “Memorandum on Excluding Illegal Aliens From the Apportionment Base Following the 2020 Census.” From the title itself, it is readily obvious that the Trump administration does not intend to count undocumented or unauthorized immigrations in the 2020 census, which it pejoratively refers to as illegal aliens. Who is legal or illegal defies an easy definition. US immigration law is so paradoxical that even if one has been ordered removed, this individual may still be authorized to remain in the US and obtain work authorization.

Not only is this executive order unlawful and completely unconstitutional, but it boggles the mind regarding how the administration will ever be able to determine who is authorized or not in the US in order to be counted in the 2020 census.

It is vitally important to count population numbers to divide up seats in Congress among the states. Excluding undocumented immigrants will result in less seats in Congress for Democratic states. If unauthorized immigrants are left out of the apportionment count, according to the Pew Research Center, California, Florida and Texas are each likely to end up with one less House seat, while Alabama, Minnesota and Ohio are each likely to hold onto a seat they would have otherwise lost after the 2020 Census. Since the first Census of the United States in 1790, counts that include both citizens and noncitizens have been used to apportion seats in the House of Representatives, with states gaining or losing based on population change over the previous decade.

Lawsuits have been filed – here, here and here,  justifiably challenging the exclusion of unauthorized immigrants from the census counts on constitutional and other grounds. The Presidential Memorandum follows the Supreme Court’s decision in New York v. Department of Commerce , 588 U.S. ___ (2019) that held that the Trump’s administration’s prior reasoning to include the citizenship question in the Census was “contrived” and thus arbitrary and capricious under the Administrative Procedure Act (see Can the Arbitrary and Capricious Standard under the Administrative Procedure Act Save DACA). Hopefully, the courts will also smack down this Presidential Memorandum for its blatant disregard of the Constitution’s mandate under the Fourteenth Amendment to count all residents in a state.

Section 2 of the Presidential Memorandum excludes “aliens who are not in a lawful immigration status under the Immigration and Nationality Act.” But this too is broad and vague. One who is in the US in temporary B-2 visitor status for three months is in a lawful immigration status. On the other hand, a person who has resided in the US for a decade and whose  status  expired a long time ago could  be authorized to remain in the US upon filing an I-485 application to adjust status to permanent residence by virtue of a recent marriage to a US citizen. The Presidential Memorandum provides the following false rationale for excluding undocumented immigrants:

Excluding these illegal aliens from the apportionment base is more consonant with the principles of representative democracy underpinning our system of Government.  Affording congressional representation, and therefore formal political influence, to States on account of the presence within their borders of aliens who have not followed the steps to secure a lawful immigration status under our laws undermines those principles.  Many of these aliens entered the country illegally in the first place.  Increasing congressional representation based on the presence of aliens who are not in a lawful immigration status would also create perverse incentives encouraging violations of Federal law.  States adopting policies that encourage illegal aliens to enter this country and that hobble Federal efforts to enforce the immigration laws passed by the Congress should not be rewarded with greater representation in the House of Representatives.  Current estimates suggest that one State is home to more than 2.2 million illegal aliens, constituting more than 6 percent of the State’s entire population.  Including these illegal aliens in the population of the State for the purpose of apportionment could result in the allocation of two or three more congressional seats than would otherwise be allocated.

However, the rationale still does not explain whether one who entered without inspection, but is now authorized to remain in the US through the filing of an I-360 petition under the Violence against Women Act and a concurrent I-485 application will be included or not in the census. It does not appear that whoever drafted this document really had any idea about how “legal” or “illegal” is considered under the INA.

“Lawful immigration status” is specifically defined in the implementing regulations at 8 CFR 245.1(d)(1) rather than in  the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) itself,  for purposes of determining who is eligible to adjust status under  INA 245(c)(2). It provides for the following categories of persons who are in “lawful immigration status”:

(i) In lawful permanent resident status;

(ii) An alien admitted to the United States in nonimmigrant status as defined in section 101(a)(15) of the Act, whose initial period of admission has not expired or whose nonimmigrant status has been extended in accordance with part 214 of this chapter;

(iii) In refugee status under section 207 of the Act, such status not having been revoked;

(iv) In asylee status under section 208 of the Act, such status not having been revoked;

(v) In parole status which has not expired, been revoked or terminated; or

(vi) Eligible for the benefits of Public Law 101-238 (the Immigration Nursing Relief Act of 1989) and files an application for adjustment of status on or before October 17, 1991.

It is unlikely, however, that this is what the drafters of the Presidential Memorandum within the Trump administration had in mind in deciding who is in lawful status and who isn’t. As already explained, there is a large universe of persons who are authorized to remain in the United States but who do not fall into any of the above categories pursuant to 8 CFR 245.1(d)(1). Perhaps, one is giving the Trump administration too much credit about thinking through this definition and the drafters just assumed, albeit erroneously, that there are discrete classes of those in lawful status and those who are not.  Immigration law is far more nuanced. One may not have been granted asylum, and thus qualify as an asylee under 8 CFR 245.1(d)(1)(iii), but an applicant for asylum is nevertheless authorized to remain in the US and can also obtain employment authorization after 365 days of filing the application. Similarly, one who files an I-485 application to adjust status is authorized to remain in the US even if the underlying nonimmigrant status has expired.

Any attempt to define who is unauthorized in order to exclude them in something as crucially vital as the decennial census count will get it wrong. Even Chief Justice Roberts got it wrong in Chamber of Commerce v. Whiting, 563 U.S. 582 (2011),  when he wrote for the majority that  an individual  who “had been ordered removed” would establish that individual’s lack of authorization to work. In that case, the Supreme Court upheld an Arizona state law suspending business licenses if businesses hired people without work authorization.  David Isaacson in his blog,  If Even the Chief Justice Can Misunderstand Immigration Law, How Can We Expect States to Enforce It Properly?   Removal Orders and Work Authorization,  cites many other instances when a person with a removal order is still entitled to work authorization. For example,  an asylum applicant who has been ordered removed but has filed a petition for review in circuit court can nevertheless apply for work authorization and is authorized to reside in the US during the pendency of the appeal.  8 C.F.R. § 274a.12(c)(18) also contemplates the issuance of work authorization to one who has been ordered removed if the person cannot be removed or where it is impractical to remove him or her.  A DACA recipient who may have been the subject of a removal order at some point is now authorized to reside in the US without fear of removal.

The sheer inability to define who is a so called “illegal alien” further opens up the Presidential Memorandum to challenge in the courts. Persons whom the government may arbitrarily decide are unauthorized may be left out of the count even if they have been in the US for years, paid taxes and been authorized to reside and work under the law. These persons have also been denied their basic humanity by not being treated as persons. This executive action will also deter noncitizens from completing the census as most – unless they are lawful permanent residents -will not know whether they are documented or not.  Four decades ago,  the Supreme Court reaffirmed that an undocumented individual living in the United States “is surely ‘a person’ in any ordinary sense of that term,” “[w]hatever his status under the immigration laws.” Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202, 210 (1982). It is axiomatic that undocumented individuals are human beings and President Trump cannot change this. Given the sheer impossibility of determining who is and who is not legal, President Trump must be compelled by a court to count all persons for the census regardless of their immigration status. This is also mandated by the Constitution.

Cyrus Mehta

Trump’s Work Visa Ban Causing Havoc to Families including Children

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By Cyrus D. Mehta and Kaitlyn Box*

On June 29th, 2020, issued a Proclamation to amend Proclamation 10052 of June 22, 2020 (Suspension of Entry of Immigrants and Nonimmigrants Who Present a Risk to the United States Labor Market During the Economic Recovery Following the 2019 Novel Coronavirus Outbreak).

The amended Proclamation modifies Section 3(a)(ii) of the June 22 Proclamation to read as follows:

“(ii)   does not have a nonimmigrant visa, of any of the classifications specified in section 2 of this proclamation and pursuant to which the alien is seeking entry, that is valid on the effective date of this proclamation; and”

In the June 22 Proclamation, Section 3(a)(ii) had read as:

“(ii)   does not have a nonimmigrant visa that is valid on the effective date of this proclamation; and”

Under the language of the original provision (see The Real Threat to the US Economy is Trump’s Proclamation, Not the Nonimmigrant Workers it Bans), having a valid visa of any category was sufficient to exempt an individual from the Proclamation. The amendment renders the Proclamation even more restrictive, specifying that the visa must be a valid H-1B, H-2B, L, or certain J visas, and that the individual must be entering the United States pursuant to that visa to qualify for an exemption.

This amendment will cause irreparable harm to countless individuals who relied on the language of the original Proclamation to their detriment. Interpreting the original provision, an individual with a valid B-2 visa, for example, may have assumed that they were exempt from the Proclamation, and chosen not to return to the United States by June 24th. Now, trapped by the administration’s sudden narrowing of the exemption, that individual is stuck outside the United States. Further, individuals who had a valid H-1B, H-2B, L or J visa on the effective date of the original Proclamation (June 24, 2020), may not, based on a literal reading of the amended section, be able to get a new visa when their old one expires if they were outside the United States on June 24th, 2020.

Already, the Proclamation is resulting in irreparable harm and separated families. The Washington Post told the poignant story of Vihaan, a young boy who traveled to India with his mother in February to visit a seriously ill relative. First unable to return to the United States due to the pandemic, and now ensnared by the amended Proclamation, Vihaan and his mother are separated from Vihaan’s father and their home in Dallas, Texas, for the foreseeable future. Many other families, some of whom have lived in the United States for years, find themselves in the same situation.

The Proclamation has been the source of other points of confusion, as well. Some immigration lawyers have questioned whether individuals who were in the United States on the effective date of the Proclamation and, thus, exempt, could be impacted by the Proclamation if they travel internationally. On Twitter, the State Department seemed to confirm that an individual in this situation could become subject to the ban, stating: “If you depart the US, you need a valid visa to return and we will not be issuing H-1B, H-2B, L, or certain J visas, and derivatives through Dec 31 unless there’s an exception”. Aside from the devastating impact that the amended Proclamation will have on individuals who are stranded overseas or unable to travel, it will also cause irreparable harm to U.S. businesses who have employees stuck outside the United States and unable to perform the jobs they were hired to do, or are unable to travel for business.

This Proclamation, along with the harsher amendment, do very little to achieve their stated goal of protecting jobs for American workers. As our colleague Jeffrey Gorsky noted, the Proclamations ban some individuals who are not even able to work in the United States and pose no threat to the labor market, including spouses of H-1B workers, many of whom are not eligible for employment authorization, and spouses of H-2B workers and children, who are never eligible for employment authorization. They have the perverse effect of banning a new born child too. Gorsky notes that a mother could have a valid L-1 visa  on June 24 and is thus not banned, but if she gives birth to a child after June 24, 2020, this hapless child  will be banned for not having a valid visa on June 24, 2020. We argued in our prior blog that family members, such as this child, who are accompanying or following to join a nonimmigrant whose entry has not been suspended should be permitted to obtain a dependent visa. Unfortunately, those in charge of implementing the Proclamations in the Trump administration, such as arch xenophobe Stephen Miller, are more concerned about keeping out nonimmigrants (including babies) to the maximum extent possible under the guise of protecting American jobs.  Unless a court intervenes, the Proclamations will cause irreparable harm to individuals who may have been living and working in the United States for years,  the U.S. businesses that employ them as well as cause further damage America’s reputation in the eyes of the world.

 

*Kaitlyn Box graduated with a JD from Penn State Law in 2020, and works as a law clerk at Cyrus D. Mehta & Partners PLLC.

Cyrus Mehta

Using a Sledgehammer to Crack a Nut: Trump Proclamation Bans Chinese Students and Researchers Linked to China’s “Military-Civil Fusion Strategy”

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President Trump has issued a proclamation limiting Chinese students wishing to study in the United States to undergraduates under certain conditions, and limiting Chinese researchers. The proclamation states that the People’s Republic of China (PRC) uses some Chinese students, mostly post-graduate students and post-doctoral researchers, to operate as “non-traditional collectors of intellectual property” in the United States. President Trump said that he therefore has determined that the entry of certain PRC nationals seeking to enter the United States “pursuant to an F or J visa to study or conduct research in the United States would be detrimental to the interests of the United States.”

The proclamation specifically bans nonimmigrants who enter on an F or J visa “to study or conduct research in the United States, except for a student seeking to pursue undergraduate study, and who either receives funding from or who currently is employed by, studies at, or conducts research at or on behalf of, or has been employed by, studied at, or conducted research at or on behalf of, an entity in the PRC that implements or supports the PRC’s “military-civil fusion strategy”.  The proclamation defines the term “military-civil fusion strategy” as actions by or at the behest of the PRC to acquire and divert foreign technologies, specifically critical and emerging technologies, to incorporate into and advance the PRC’s military capabilities.

President Trump has again relied on INA 212(f) to issue this ban on Chinese nationals who enter the US on an F or J visa who are associated with the vague Chinese “military-civil fusion strategy.” This is another case of Trump using 212(f) to rewrite immigration law. Given the vagueness of linking students to China’s military-civil fusion strategy, it would empower consular officers, and even CBP officials, to deny a visa or admission to just about any graduate student or researcher from China as the proclamation does not set any parameters. Trump’s proclamation will unfortunately also result in needless stereotyping. Just as so many people were branded as communists during the “red scare” under the McCarthy era, graduate students from China will also be associated with China’s military-civil fusion strategy. Although the ban is thought to impact 3,000 out of 360,000 Chinese students, many more can be impacted for mere suspicion of being linked to Chinese military-civil fusion strategy.

While there is evidence that the Chinese military has sponsored military scientists to study abroad described as a process of picking flowers in foreign lands to make honey in China, the overall benefits that Chinese graduate students and researchers bring to US universities far outweigh the supposed perils of benefiting China’s military progress. American universities will get adversely impacted if they cannot attract students from China in their graduate and doctoral programs who pay the full freight in tuition fees. When Chinese researchers study in the US and write research papers, they adopt the US model and their papers are peer reviewed before being selected for publication in English that can be accessed by anyone, and not just by the Chinese military. Moreover, 90% of Chinese students are still in the US a decade since they came.

Moreover, there are enough provisions in the INA that would allow a consular officer to deny a visa. In addition to denying an F-1 visa under the usual INA 214(b) for demonstrating immigrant intent, an applicant for a student or research visa can also be denied for security grounds under INA 212(a)(3). Thus, Trump’s latest Chinese ban is akin to using a sledgehammer to crack a nut. It also bypasses Congress authority to amend the INA. In fact, there is a proposed bill sponsored by Senators Cotton and Blackburn that would be even more sweeping by prohibiting t0 Chinese nationals from receiving visas to the United States for graduate or post-graduate studies in STEM fields. The fact that it will be unlikely for these Senators to pass such a draconian bill through both houses of Congress does not justify Trump’s proclamation that rewrites the INA.

The proclamation also contemplates revoking the visas of affected Chinese students and researchers who are already in the US. Under other circumstances, when a nonimmigrant’s visa is revoked while in the US, they can continue to maintain status, but will need to obtain a new visa upon departing the US. Chinese students subject to the ban will likely not be able to apply for new F-1 or J-1 visa unless they qualify for one of the limited exceptions.

Finally, the proclamation leaves open the possibility of further restrictions as it also calls for agency review of “nonimmigrant and immigrant programs” and recommendations for “any other measures requiring Presidential action that would mitigate the risk posed by the PRC’s acquisition of sensitive United States technologies and intellectual property.”

Cyrus Mehta

FAQ Relating to Skilled Workers in the Green Card Backlogs during COVID-19

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Skilled workers caught in the employment-based backlogs face great uncertainty during the COVID-19 crisis. They have to continue to work for employers who have sponsored them green cards while maintaining H-1B status. As explained in my previous FAQ relating to changes in working conditions for H-1B workers, the DOL rules do not provide much flexibility to employers who may be forced to cut wages or furlough employees in order to preserve jobs. If an H-1B worker’s position is terminated, he or she has a 60 day grace period to leave the US or to change to another status.  This FAQ focuses on immigration issues facing foreign nationals who are waiting for their green cards while in H-1B status, although some may also be in L-1 status. They are mainly born in India, and as a result of the “per country limits” in the employment-based first, second and third preferences, they have faced disproportionate waiting times (going into decades) when compared to those born in other countries. But for their country of birth, they would have been green card holders, or even US citizens, by now, and would not be facing peril during COVID-19 with respect to their immigration prospects.

1. My employer can no longer afford to employ staff and terminated me yesterday. I am in H-1B status and am also the beneficiary of an I-140 petition in the employment-based second preference. I was born in India and have a January 1, 2013 priority date. While I am in the 60 day grace period, can I request an employment authorization document (EAD) under “compelling circumstances?”

An Obama era regulation entitled “Retention of EB-1, EB-2 and EB-3 Immigrant Workers and Program Improvements Affecting High Skilled Nonimmigrant Workers” was promulgated  to provide modest relief to high skilled workers born mainly in India and China who were caught in the crushing backlogs in the employment-based preferences.

One significant provision in this regulation provides an employment authorization document (EAD) to beneficiaries of I-140 petitions in the United States on E-3, H-1B, H-1B1, O-1 or L-1 nonimmigrant status if they can demonstrate compelling circumstances and whose priority dates are not current. While compelling circumstances have not been defined in the rule, DHS has suggested illustrative circumstances in the preamble, which includes serious illness and disabilities, employer dispute or retaliation, other substantial harm and significant disruptions to the employer.   Regarding what may constitute significant disruption, DHS has suggested loss of funding for grants that may invalidate a cap-exempt H-1B status or a corporate restructure that may no longer render an L-1 visa status valid.

It appears from the discussion in the preamble to the regulation that compelling circumstances have to be out of the ordinary. The fact that the process may be taking a long time does not constitute a compelling circumstance. The DHS also stated in the preamble that mere unemployment would not rise up to the level of compelling circumstances, but more will have to be shown such as that the unemployment was as a result of a serious illness or employer retaliation. However, under the “other substantial harm” discussion, a beneficiary who loses a job based on the closure of a business where the beneficiary has been applying a skill set in high technology for years (such as artificial intelligence) and will not be able to establish that the same industry exists in the home country would be able to demonstrate compelling circumstances.  Interestingly, compelling circumstances could also include circumstances relating to a business startup, and that the beneficiary of an approved I-140 petition through the national interest waiver would be able to demonstrate compelling circumstances. Similarly, physicians working in medically underserved areas may also be able to demonstrate compelling circumstances.

Notwithstanding the various examples of compelling circumstances provided in the preamble to the rule, the plain language at 8 CFR 204.5(p) (iii) simply states:

USCIS determines, as a matter of discretion, that the principal beneficiary demonstrates compelling circumstances that justify the issuance of employment authorization

Anecdotal evidence suggests that USCIS has been very niggardly in issuing EADs under compelling circumstances since the promulgation of the rule in the fading days of Obama’s presidency in January 2017. Unemployment in itself may not be a basis as stated in the preamble, but one can try to argue compelling circumstances in the COVID-19 period more forcefully. When making a case for compelling circumstances, it should be argued, that the plain language of the regulation takes precedence over the preamble or the government’s subjective interpretation of the term. Until there are formal administrative interpretations, the term “compelling circumstances” is like a blank canvass, which can be colored by any credible and reasonable argument by the applicant. Still, one cannot bank on the USCIS issuing an EAD under compelling circumstances as a result of unemployment even during the COVID-19 period. Something more in addition to unemployment should be shown in order to make a convincing argument for compelling circumstances.

2. How long will I be able to stay in the US if I am given a work authorization under “compelling circumstances”, and how can I still get a green card?

The EAD may be renewed on an annual basis if such compelling circumstances continue to be met, even if it is a different sort of compelling circumstance from the initial, or if the beneficiary’s priority date under the I-140 petition is within one year of the official cut-off date.

How will this work? The job offer supporting the I-140 petition must still be valid. In other words, there is no legal basis under the final rule to port to another job on a standalone I-140 petition. If the employer withdraws the job offer supporting the I-140 petition, the beneficiary could have another employer offer a position, and sponsor the beneficiary through a new labor certification and I-140 petition. The priority date from the old I-140 petition can be recaptured.

Unless the beneficiary is maintaining a valid nonimmigrant status (or can seek the exemption under either INA 245(i) or 245(k)), he or she will not be able adjust status in the United States and would need to process the immigrant visa at an overseas US consulate. The beneficiary’s stay under a compelling circumstances EAD will be considered lawful presence, and will not trigger the 3 or 10 year bars upon departure. Alternatively, the beneficiary can leave and return to the United States in a nonimmigrant status such as an H-1B, and then file for adjustment of status here. The rule, unfortunately, does not provide for routine travel through advance parole while on a compelling circumstances EAD.

3. Will my spouse and teenage child be able to also get a compelling circumstances EAD?

Yes. Derivative family members can also apply for the EAD concurrently with the principal beneficiary of the I-140 petition, but they will only be issued the EAD after the principal family member is first granted the EAD. They too must be in nonimmigrant status at the time of filing the initial application.

4. I have a pending I-485 application, although the final action date in the State Department Visa Bulletin is not current this month. My employer can no longer afford to employ me and is in the process of shutting down the business.

If the Form I-485 application has been pending for 180 days or more, you can exercise job portability under INA 204(j) by taking up a job or being offered a job in a same or similar occupation with another employer. The underlying labor certification and I-140 will still remain valid upon exercising portability under INA 204(j). The applicant will need to submit Form I-485, Supplement J.

Under 8 CFR 245.25(b), “[t]he term “same occupational classification” means an occupation that resembles in every relevant respect the occupation for which the underlying employment-based immigrant visa petition was approved. The term “similar occupational classification” means an occupation that shares essential qualities or has a marked resemblance or likeness with the occupation for which the underlying employment-based immigrant visa petition was approved.”

It is also possible for an adjustment applicant to “port” to self-employment if employment prospects are bleak during the COVID-19 era.

 5. My employer cannot afford to employ me during the COVID-19 period and has terminated my employment in H-1B status, but still wants to continue to sponsor me for the green card hoping that the economic situation will change for the better by the time my priority date becomes current. I have not yet filed for adjustment of status.

Since the employment-based green card sponsorship is based on a prospective position, your employer can still continue with the I-140. If you leave for India within the 60 day grace period after cessation of employment and have not options to remain in H-1B status through another employer or change status, you can ultimately process the immigrant visa at a US consulate overseas upon your priority date becoming current. Given the current wait times in the employment-based first, second and third preferences for India, it may take many years, even decades, before you can get back to the US as a permanent resident. However, your employer will still be able to file an H-1B petition on your behalf in the future to bring you back before you obtain the green card. This H-1B petition will not be counted against the H-1B cap as you have been previously counted against the cap, and you will be entitled to three year extensions beyond the 6 year H-1B limitation.

6. Since there are no flights to India at this time, how can I depart the US within the 60 day grace period?

You could try requesting a change of status to B-2 visitor status before the end of the 60 day grace period by filing Form I-539, and asking for an additional six months in that status. Although you are the beneficiary of the an I-140 immigrant visa petition, which must be disclosed on Form I-539, the fact that you intend to ultimately apply for permanent residence should not conflict with your request for a change of status to B-2 if you can demonstrate your genuine inability to depart the US and that it will take a long time before you even become eligible for a green card. Furthermore, you can also argue that your intention is to apply for an immigrant visa at the US Consulate before you can come to the US as a permanent resident.

 7. I am in my sixth year of H-1B status with an approved I-140 petition. If the employer who filed the I-140 petition no longer wishes to employ me now or in the future, how can I still take advantage of this I-140 petition and get a green card through another employer?

If another employer files a new labor certification and I-140 petition on your behalf, the priority date of the original I-140 petition can still be retained even if the former employer withdraws the petition. Since you have already been counted under a prior H-1B cap, the new employer can file another H-1B petition so that you can reenter the US in H-1B status. You will be eligible for 3 year extensions beyond the six year limitation of the H-1B visa until your priority date becomes current.

8. Will President Trump’s latest green card ban impact me or my family?

President Trump’s Proclamation will ban people seeking immigrant visas at a US Consulate for 60 days from April 23, 2020. Therefore, it will not impact those who are already in the US and seeking permanent residence through adjustment of status. Even if you depart the US to process for an immigrant visa at a US Consulate, the ban will not apply to one who was in the US on the effective date of the Proclamation, which was April 23, 2020. The Proclamation will nevertheless ban derivative family members who are processing for immigrant visas at a US consulate even if the principal applicant adjusted status in the US unless they were in the US on April 23, 2020.

 

Cyrus Mehta

Immigration Attorneys on the Frontlines in the COVID-19 Crisis

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Since USCIS still requires paper submissions by mandated deadlines and the immigration courts in detention centers still function, the COVID-19 crisis has compelled immigration attorneys to take more risks than others, and many are performing essential services on behalf of clients like first responders, medical personnel and delivery people. If some people in certain occupations do not take risks to help others in a crisis, then everything collapses.

While some attorneys have had the privilege of working from home but effectively crank out cases, other attorneys have been compelled to step out of their home to represent detained clients in immigration court, and until last Tuesday, March 17, at adjustment and naturalization interviews. Not all work can be 100% remote, and some filings comprising hundreds of pages may still have to be assembled in the office. Legal support staff have stepped out of their homes to assemble the case and file it in time with the USCIS and just before the client falls out of status or misses the asylum deadline.

Those living in large cities like NYC may still be taking the subway to help their clients as it may be their only mode of transportation. An empty subway car is probably less risky than travelling in a taxi or Uber as one can maintain the recommended six feet of social distance. Whatever valiant efforts that are being made by attorneys and their staff on behalf of clients’ unique circumstances in these perilous times must be saluted until such time that the government comes to its senses and halts immigration hearings and automatically extends all deadlines by 3 months.

The USCIS and other agencies have made some modest concessions such as not insisting on wet signatures, but that is not enough when the submission must still be on paper rather than electronically. The submission must also be accompanied by a check rather than through a credit card or ACH payment. Because of the significant number of such filings, key operations cannot be handled remotely, and these include sorting out mail from the USCIS and other agencies, organizing and assembling the filings, scanning and making extensive copies and shipping out packages through Fedex or US mail. The USCIS has put the immigration bar in an awful place. They are forced to risk their health and safety to process cases, and even suffer sanctions under state laws for violating restrictions, or fail in their duty towards their clients.

To add further insult to injury, the DOJ has kept open the immigration courts in immigration detention centers. ICE requires attorneys to provide their own protective gear to visit clients in detention. It would be in the interests of all to release noncitizen detainees. There is no reason to detain noncitizens in removal proceedings during the COVID-19 period unless they are not a flight risk or a threat to public safety. Noncitizens who have already been convicted and completed their sentences and facing removal proceedings need not be in detention. If they were US citizens, they would not be incarcerated and so noncitizens, even lawful permanent residents, are doubly penalized if they remain incarcerated and are at greater risk of contracting COVID-19 and spreading it. We also learned that the New York Varick Street Immigration Court has closed today because of a case of coronavirus further confirming that immigration detention and the courts within should cease  at this time.

Various calls to extend deadlines and provide other ameliorative relief by the American Immigration Lawyers Association and the Alliance of Business Immigration Lawyers have gone unheeded.  Is this foot dragging deliberate as a result of Trump’s known hostility towards immigrants or is it because a bureaucracy cannot get its act together fast enough? The failure to act while other federal agencies have acted, such as IRS extending the tax deadline, is unconscionable. The quickest way to eradicate the disease is for all to be united, whether citizen or noncitizen, and all prior prejudices by this administration towards immigrants have to be put on the back burner, or better still, completely incinerated. President Trump is not doing much to help the cause by referring to COVID-19 as the Chinese Virus. This only inflames tensions against not just Asian Americans but against all people who are perceived to be “foreign”, and abrogates from the historic role that presidents in the past have played to heal and unite the nation.

Cyrus Mehta

Trump’s Expanded Travel Ban and Other Immigration Madness

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President Trump has done it again. On January 31, 2020, he used his extraordinary broad powers under INA § 212(f) to expand his travel ban to six additional countries.  The affected countries are Nigeria, Eritrea, Sudan, Tanzania, Kyrgyzstan and Myanmar. The expanded ban comes about three years after the first ban. Most of the countries targeted in this ban, like the first ban, are countries with significant Muslim populations. Even Myanmar, where Buddhists constitute the majority, has a significant minority population comprising Muslims including the persecuted Rohingya people.  The administration has spuriously argued that the new travel ban is vital to national security and the ban will remain “until those countries address their identified deficiencies” related to security and information-sharing issues. Even if this is the case, it is not sufficient justification to impose a travel ban on unsuspecting countries without warning and on those who have applied to immigrate to the US.

Unlike the first ban, the new ban only restricts immigrants from Burma, Eritrea, Kyrgyzstan and Nigeria. The restrictions on Sudan and Tanzania are narrower as they only apply to immigrants who have won green cards under the diversity program. The new ban does not apply to nonimmigrants who visit the US temporarily such as tourists, students or workers under specialized work visa programs such as the H-1B for specialty occupations or L-1 for intracompany transferees.  It will also not apply to special immigrants who have been helpful to the US such as employees of US consular posts.  Banning immigrants and not nonimmigrants does not make sense at all. If the administration is so concerned about US security, then those granted immigrant visas are more vetted than those who travel on temporary nonimmigrant visas. A terrorist is more likely to quickly get into the US on a temporary visa to cause harm. The justification that the administration has provided is that it is harder remove immigrants from the US is also spurious from a security perspective since all noncitizens are subject to the same removal process, able to contest the charges against them and are eligible for relief from removal. People placed in removal can remain in the US until they exhaust all their appeals.   Also the justification to restrict immigrants from Tanzania and Sudan who have won green card lotteries makes even less sense. Why would one who has won the lottery in Sudan and Tanzania pose more of a risk than someone who is immigrating on another basis?

In 2018 the Supreme Court  in Trump v. Hawaii upheld a third version of the ban, after the previous versions were challenged in court, on the ground that the third version was neutral as it did not violate the First Amendment Clause of the Constitution despite Trump’s utterances in favor of banning Muslims. For instance, in his presidential campaign he called for a “total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States. “  He also said, among other derogatory statements, that “Islam hates us.” This expanded ban too targets Muslim countries, and allows Trump to fulfill his campaign promise to his supporters to ban nationals from Muslim countries. This is why the first ban was rightly called the Muslim ban, and the new ban, also ought to be called the expanded Muslim ban.

Before Trump, one could hardly imagine that an American president would use INA § 212(f) to rewrite immigration law in a manner he saw fit and with whatever prejudices might be harboring in his mind. While INA § 212(f) does give extraordinary power to a president, Trump has exploited these powers beyond what could have been imagined when Congress enacted this provision.  INA §212(f) states:

Whenever the President finds that the entry of any aliens or of any class of aliens into the United States would be detrimental to the interests of the United States, he may by proclamation, and for such period as he shall deem necessary, suspend the entry of all aliens or any class of aliens as immigrants or nonimmigrants, or impose on the entry of aliens or any class of aliens as immigrants or nonimmigrants, or impose on the entry of aliens any restrictions he may deem to be appropriate

In the expanded ban, Trump has blocked people who have won green card lotteries under the DV program. This is a program that Trump and immigration restrictionists in his administration clearly disfavor, but he has used INA § 212(f) to obliterate the green card provisions in the INA for Tanzanians and Sudanese. Trump has also openly indicated his animosity towards immigrants who come from “shi*hole” countries. It is hardly surprising that Trump, bolstered by a Republican dominated Senate that will likely acquit him for brazen corruption, is abusing his power under INA § 212(f) to reshape immigration law as he sees fit. Congress in enacting INA § 212(f) would have never conceived that a future president could use the provision to block green card lottery winners. Trump can decide, based on whatever prejudice he has, that anything is “detrimental to the interests of the United States.” It is eerily uncanny that Trump’s lawyers have mounted a similar defense in his impeachment trial, especially Alan Dershowitz, who nonsensically argued that “If a President does something which he believes will help him get elected in the public interest, that cannot be the kind of quid pro quo that results in impeachment.”

Trump has  used INA § 212(f) to reshape immigration laws enacted by Congress that have nothing to do with travel bans and national security. On November 9, 2018, he issued another Proclamation invoking INA § 212(f), which banned people who cross the Southern border outside a designated port of entry from applying for asylum in the United States.  The Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security followed by jointly issuing a rule implementing the proclamation. The key issue is whether INA § 212(f) allowed a president like Trump with authoritarian impulses to override entire visa categories or change the US asylum system?   INA § 208(a)(1) categorically allows any alien who is physically present in the United States to apply for asylum regardless of his or her manner of arrival in the United States “whether or not at a designated port of arrival.” Trump attempted to change that by virtue of the authority given to him in INA § 212(f) by not allowing people who cross outside a port of entry from applying for asylum. Never mind that the administration had virtually closed the designated ports of entry for asylum seekers, which forced them to cross the border through irregular methods. In East Bay Sanctuary Covenant v. Trump, 932 F.3d 742 (2018), the Ninth Circuit concluded that the Trump administration had unlawfully done what the “Executive cannot do directly; amend the INA”. Indeed, even in Trump v. Hawaii, the administration successfully argued that INA § 212(f) only supplanted other provisions that allowed the administration to bar aliens from entering the United States, but did not expressly override statutory provisions. Thus, INA § 212(f) could not be used as a justification to override INA § 208. The Supreme Court has temporarily stayed the injunction in a related case that prohibits asylum seekers on the Southern border from applying for asylum in the US if they have not applied in Mexico or Guatemala – and thus by implication East Bay Sanctuary Covenant v. Trump – from taking effect until the government’s appeal in the Ninth Circuit and Supreme Court is decided. There has been no ruling on the merits of the case.

On October 3, 2019, Trump yet again invoked INA § 212(f) by issuing a Proclamation to ban intending immigrants from entering the United States if they did not have health insurance within 30 days of their arrival in the United States. Under the Proclamation, an intending immigrant who has satisfied all statutory requirements set out in the INA will nevertheless be permanently barred from entering the United States if that person cannot show, to the satisfaction of a consular officer, that he or she either “will be covered by approved health insurance” within 30 days of entering the United States, or “possesses the financial resources to pay for reasonably foreseeable medical costs.” A federal district court in Oregon temporarily blocked the health insurance proclamation through a nationwide injunction by relying on East Bay Sanctuary Covenant v. Trump, supra, which specifically held that a president cannot rely on INA  § 212(f) to amend the INA. In the health insurance case, Trump’s proclamation contradicts the public charge provision under INA 212(a)(4), which does not have a health insurance requirement. The Ninth Circuit has upheld the temporary order of the Oregon district court, although it has a strong dissent by Judge Bress criticizing the Oregon district court’s finding that INA $ 212(f) was unconstitutional  under the nondelegation doctrine. Under this doctrine, associated with separation of powers, Congress cannot delegate legislative powers to the president under INA § 212(f). This argument needs to be watched more closely as it is bound to play out further when the administration defends its authority under INA § 212(f) in this case and other cases.  The Supreme Court has not yet intervened in this case.

The new travel ban is bound to be challenged in federal district courts, and one or more courts may issue nationwide injunctions. The Trump administration, like in other instances, will likely take this to the Supreme Court and request a stay of the injunction. Most recently, the conservative majority in the Supreme Court stayed the injunction of a New York district court, which was confirmed by the Second Circuit, against the public charge rule. Justice Gorsuch wrote a concurring opinion along with Justice Thomas that was critical of nationwide injunctions of this sort. The concurrence complained that a single judge enjoined the government from applying the new definition of public charge to everyone without regarding to participation in this lawsuit, and that they are “patently unworkable” and sow chaos. It could also be argued that Justice Gorsuch’s lifting of a nationwide injunction would sow chaos if a law that is potentially inconsistent with a statute or unconstitutional is implemented until it is found so by the Court. And here, in the instant case, there is even further chaos as the public charge rule is being implemented everywhere after the stay of the injunction expect in Illinois. Nationwide injunctions, according to Mila Sohoni, a professor at the University of San Diego law school, are not a recent phenomenon and this practice goes all the way back to the 19th century.

Notwithstanding all the barriers and obstacles, including the admonition against nationwide injunctions by Justice Gorsuch and the prior Trump v. Hawaii ruling, it is imperative that the limits to INA § 212(f) be challenged as Trump can use this provision to radically transform immigration laws enacted by Congress, and without going through Congress to amend laws that he does not like. A challenge to the expanded ban will again give courts the ability to examine INA § 212(f).   The Supreme Court, disappointingly, held in Trump v. Hawaii   that INA § 212(f) “exudes deference to the President” and thus empowers him to deny entry of noncitizens if he determines that allowing entry “would be detrimental to the interests of the United States.” One should however  still give credit to prior lower federal court decisions that blocked the first and second versions of the travel ban, on the grounds that Trump exceeded INA § 212(f), which were far worse than the watered down third version that was finally upheld. Although the Supreme Court may have stayed the injunction in East Bay Sanctuary Covenant v. Trump, it has not ruled on the merits of the Ninth Circuit’s reasoning that Trump could not use INA § 212(f) to rewrite asylum law in the INA. The Supreme Court is yet to hear any challenge to the health insurance proclamation. The Ninth Circuit in both these cases did not disapprove of the reasoning by district court judges that Trump overstepped his authority notwithstanding the powers given to him under INA § 212(f).

In issuing the expanded travel ban, which takes effect on February 21, 2020,  Trump has abused his authority in selectively blocking immigrants from predominantly African nations.  This ban too, like the last one, will equally impact US citizens who have legitimately sponsored family members under the law as they will not be prevented from reuniting in the US. The ban also arbitrarilyy, and without  foundation, blocks green card lottery winners from two nations. Nigerians will be most impacted by the new ban as they by far make up the largest number of African immigrants in the US, numbering approximately 327,000. A connection between Trump’s ban and Nigeria can be made to a meeting in the Oval Office in June 2017 when Trump told his advisers in the Oval Office in June 2017 that Nigerians who set foot in the US would never “go back to their huts” in Africa. This ban will result in the isolation of the US while other countries will benefit. The new ban also does nothing to enhance US national security. Since it does not apply to nonimmigrant visa entries, US citizens who are not yet married to their spouses in any of the newly banned countries may file a nonimmigrant K-1 visa fiance petition. Once the fiance enters the US on a K-1 fiance visa, they can marry the US citizen and adjust status to permanent residence. It makes no sense for a person from a banned country to delay a marriage with a US citizen in order to be eligible for a K-1 fiance visa, but  this is what Trump’s illogical ban forces them to do in addition to making every national of the banned country a suspect.

In approving Trump’s first travel ban,  the majority in Trump v. Hawaii made reference to Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944). This was the shameful Supreme Court case that allowed the internment of Japanese Americans after the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941. Justice Sonia Sotomayor referencing this decision in her powerful dissent in Trump v. Hawaii. Justice Sotomayor found striking parallels between Korematsu and Trump’s travel ban. For example, they were both based on dangerous stereotypes about particular groups’ inability to assimilate and their intent to harm the United States.  In both cases, there were scant national security justifications. In both cases, there was strong evidence that there was impermissible animus and hostility that motivated the government’s policy. The majority rejected the dissent’s comparison of Trump’s supposedly facially neutral travel ban to Korematsu, but still took this opportunity to overrule Korematsu. Yet, when one carefully reviews Trump’s motivations behind the travel bans, especially after the second one, they are not too different from the motivations that resulted in the forced internment of Japanese Americans. Indeed, Justice Sotomayor astutely reaffirmed that “[t]he United States of America is a Nation built upon the promise of religious liberty.” In her rejection of the legality of the travel ban, she observed that “[t]he Court’s decision today fails to safeguard that fundamental principle. It leaves undisturbed a policy first advertised openly and unequivocally as a ‘total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States’ because the policy now masquerades behind a façade of national-security concerns.”

It is time to revisit the Supreme Court’s overruling of Korematsu in Trump v. Hawaii. In that case, the Supreme Court opined that the first travel ban was facially neutral and took pains to distinguish it from the repugnant Korematsu decision. The second travel ban confirms that the first ban was not neutral, and this ban, along with the first one is strikingly similar to Korematsu. Since the first ban took effect, thousands of intending immigrants from the banned countries, from infants to elderly parents, have been needlessly impacted and they pose no threat to national security. The waivers in the first ban are a sham and are seldom granted. The waivers incorporated in the second ban will also be a sham.  INA § 212(f) must have limits, courts must hold, including the Supreme Court someday. Otherwise, Trump’s travel bans and other sorts of immigration madness will have no limits.

 

 

 

Cyrus Mehta

Trump Is Not King, Cannot Rewrite Public Charge Law Through Executive Fiat

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Can President Trump act like a king by rewriting US immigration law through the invocation of INA 212(f)? Although America shrugged itself from the yoke of King George III in 1776, Trump issued a Proclamation on October 4, 2019 in total disregard of a Congressional statute – defining who is likely to become a public charge – that would bar intending immigrants from the United States if they do not have health insurance lined up within 30 days of their admission. A federal court in Oregon in Doe v. Trump issued a Temporary Restraining Order on November 2, 2019, one day before the Proclamation was to take effect. Although the TRO is only valid for 28 days, it is still a significant victory in the opening salvo of yet another challenge to thwart Trump’s ability to rewrite large swaths of the Immigration and Nationality Act.

While INA § 212(f) does give extraordinary power to a president, Trump has tried to use his powers beyond what could have been imagined when Congress enacted this provision.  INA §212(f) states:

Whenever the President finds that the entry of any aliens or of any class of aliens into the United States would be detrimental to the interests of the United States, he may by proclamation, and for such period as he shall deem necessary, suspend the entry of all aliens or any class of aliens as immigrants or nonimmigrants, or impose on the entry of aliens or any class of aliens as immigrants or nonimmigrants, or impose on the entry of aliens any restrictions he may deem to be appropriate

Trump soon after becoming president invoked INA § 212(f) through presidential proclamations to impose his travel ban against nationals of mainly Muslim countries. This was done to fulfill a campaign promise to impose a ban on Muslims, which is also why it is known as a Muslim ban.  He decided without foundation that the entry of Iranian nationals (one of the countries subject to the ban) would be detrimental to the interests of the United States even though they came to marry a US citizen or visit relatives.   The Supreme Court, disappointingly,  upheld the third version of the ban in  Trump v. Hawaii  in June 2018 stating that INA § 212(f) “exudes deference to the President” and thus empowers him to deny entry of noncitizens if he determines that allowing entry “would be detrimental to the interests of the United States.” One should still give credit to prior lower federal court decisions that blocked the first and second versions of the travel ban, on the grounds that Trump exceeded INA 212(f), which were far worse than the watered down third version that was finally upheld.

Trump got more emboldened. On November 9, 2018, he issued another proclamation invoking INA § 212(f), which banned people who cross the Southern border outside a designated port of entry from applying for asylum in the United States.  The Department of Justice and Department of Homeland Security followed by jointly issuing a rule implementing the proclamation. The key issue is whether INA § 212(f) allowed a president like Trump with authoritarian impulses to override entire visa categories or change the US asylum system?   INA § 208(a)(1) categorically allows any alien who is physically present in the United States to apply for asylum regardless of his or her manner of arrival in the United States “whether or not at a designated port of arrival.” Trump attempted to change that by virtue of the authority given to him in INA § 212(f) by not allowing people who cross outside a port of entry from applying for asylum. Never mind that the administration had virtually closed the designated ports of entry for asylum seekers, which forced them to cross the border through irregular methods. In East Bay Sanctuary Covenant v. Trump, 932 F.3d 742 (2018),  the Ninth Circuit concluded that the Trump administration had unlawfully done what the “Executive cannot do directly; amend the INA”. Indeed, even in Trump v. Hawaii, the administration successfully argued that INA § 212(f) only supplanted other provisions that allowed the administration to bar aliens from entering the United States, but did not expressly override statutory provisions. Thus, INA § 212(f) could not be used as a justification to override INA § 208. Although the Supreme Court has temporarily blocked East Bay Sanctuary Covenant from taking effect until the government’s appeal in the Ninth Circuit and Supreme Court is decided, Supreme Court has not passed any judgment on the merits of the case.

On October 3, 2019, Trump yet again invoked INA §212 (f) by issuing a Proclamation to ban intending immigrants from entering the United States if they did not have health insurance within 30 days of their arrival in the United States. Under the Proclamation, an intending immigrant who has satisfied all statutory requirements set out in the INA will nevertheless be permanently barred from entering the United States if that person cannot show, to the satisfaction of a consular officer, that he or she either “will be covered by approved health insurance” within 30 days of entering the United States, or “possesses the financial resources to pay for reasonably foreseeable medical costs.” Except for certain special Immigrant Visa applicants specifically from Iraq and Afghanistan, and unaccompanied biological and adopted children, the Proclamation will be applied to all intending immigrants. The Proclamation, which was to take effect on November 3, 2019, was expected to affect nearly two-thirds of all legal immigrants, with a disproportionate impact on immigrants from Latin America, Africa, and Asia.

The Proclamation provides eight specific types of “approved health insurance” for an intending immigrant: (1) an employer-sponsored plan; (2) an “unsubsidized health plan offered in the individual market within a State;” (3) a short-term limited duration insurance (“STLDI”) plan “effective for a minimum of 364 days;” (4) a catastrophic plan; (5) a family member’s plan; (6) TRICARE and similar plans made available to the U.S. military; (7) a visitor health insurance plan “that provides adequate coverage for medical care for a minimum of 364 days;” and (8) Medicare. A prospective immigrant may also obtain a “health plan that provides adequate coverage for medical care as determined by the Secretary of Health and Human Services or his designee,” but the Proclamation provides no guidance as to how “adequate coverage” is defined.

The Proclamation excludes from the scope of  “approved health insurance” any “subsidized” healthcare offered in the individual market within a State under the Affordable Care Act, as well as Medicaid for individuals over 18 years of age, even though some states have chosen to make Medicaid available to certain adults over 18 years of age, including certain new and recently arrived immigrants. The Proclamation relies on a single dispositive factor—the health care insurance status of an individual—to determine whether the individual will “financially burden” the United States. It is designed to exclude a large number of otherwise qualified immigrants because in reality only an STDI plan and a visitor health insurance plan would be available to one who has yet to enter the United States. Even if such plans were available, they would exclude people with preexisting conditions and would not have the essential health benefits as required under the ACA to which a new immigrant could access, but which would not qualify under the Proclamation.

Based on the likelihood of success on the merits standard that applicable for the grant of a TRO, Judge Michael Simon  in Doe v. Trump found that the Proclamation’s reliance on the health care insurance status of an individual as the sole factor for determining inadmissibility as a public charge conflicted with INA § 212(a)(4) in at least five ways.

First, Congress in INA §212(a)(4)(A) has spoken directly to the circumstances in which an individual may be deemed to become a “financial burden” to the United States and has rejected the Proclamation’s core premise of lack of health insurance being the sole factor. This provision states that “[a]ny alien who, in the opinion of the consular officer at the time of application for a visa, or in the opinion of the Attorney General at the time of application for admission or adjustment of status, is likely at any time to become a public charge is inadmissible.” When determining whether an individual may become a public charge, the statute enumerates the factors that are to be considered “at a minimum” to include the applicant’s age; health; family status; assets, resources, and financial status; and education and skills. The statute outlines the permissible factors in the public charge determination and nowhere mentions an individual’s health care insurance status as one of the permissible factors, according to Judge Simon. Given the statute’s enumeration of age and health, the statute’s omission of “health care insurance status” is important.

Second the statute precludes any single factor from being a dispositive factor, which requires a totality of the circumstances test to be applied. The totality of the circumstances test has long been a feature of the public charge ground even before Congress statutorily mandated it in 1996. The court in Doe v. Trump cited Matter of Perez, 15 I. & N. Dec. 136, 137 (BIA 1974) in support of the long use of the totality of circumstances test. The Proclamation, on the other hand, conflicts with the statutory text by deeming an individual to be a financial burden based solely on her health care insurance status and eschewing all the other statutory factors including, perhaps most incongruously, the health of the individual herself.

Third, the Proclamation’s dispositive reliance on health care insurance status contravenes decades of agency interpretation.

Fourth, the Proclamation’s reliance on an individual’s accessing short-term health care benefits as a reason to find the person a “financial burden” has been expressly rejected. Citing City & Cty. of San Francisco v. U.S. Citizenship & Immigration Servs., (N.D. Cal. Oct. 11, 2019) (the public charge statute has had a “longstanding allowance for short-term aid”).

Fifth, the Proclamation revives a test for financial burden—the receipt of non-cash benefits—that Congress has rejected. In 1996, Congress enacted the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, Pub. L. No. 104-208, § 531, 110 Stat. 3009, 3674-75 (1996), which amended the INA by codifying five factors relevant to a public charge determination. The Senate rejected the effort to include previously unconsidered, non-cash public benefits in the public charge test and to create a bright-line framework of considering whether the immigrant has received public benefits for an aggregate of twelve months as “too quick to label people as public charges for utilizing the same public assistance that many Americans need to get on their feet.” S. Rep. No. 104-249, at *63-64 (1996) (Senator Leahy’s remarks). Accordingly, in its final bill, Congress did not include the receipt of Medicaid, Security Income, and other means-tested public benefits as determinative of a public charge.

Based on these five reasons, the court in Doe v. Trump issued the TRO on the ground that plaintiffs were able to show a substantial likelihood of success on the merits.  The court specifically relied on East Bay Sanctuary Covenant v. Trump, supra, which specifically held that a president cannot rely on INA 212(f) to amend the INA. The court also held that notwithstanding this being a presidential proclamation, it was “not in accordance with the law” under the Administrative Procedures Act, 5 U.S.C. § 706(2)(A). Further, the court also noted that the Plaintiffs have satisfied their burden of showing Defendants’ implementation of the Proclamation likely constitutes final agency action, thus akin to a final substantive rule, that is “arbitrary, capricious, [or] an abuse of discretion.” While the government has yet to submit arguments, and another hearing is scheduled shortly, it is remarkable that once again a court has struck down Trump’s use of INA §212(f) to rewrite the immigration law. In the instant case, Trump has undermined provisions that Congress has specifically enacted to determine who is likely to become a public charge. If courts do not check the president’s use of INA §212(f) to issue policies that reflect his racist views, there will be no limit with what Trump can do with our immigration laws without having to go through Congress to change them, or even issuing regulations under the Administrative Procedures Act.

There are other arguments that can be advanced to show how utterly incompatible the Proclamation is to specific provisions of the INA. The Proclamation would also bar immigrants based on approved self-petitions under the Violence Against Women Act.  Congress specifically indicated that VAWA self-petitioners will be excepted from the public charge requirements in INA 212(a)(4)(A)-(C).  How can the Proclamation override these provisions in the INA that created an exception for VAWA petitioners and require them to have health insurance?

In addition, the Proclamation is also a gross violation of the APA as the Proclamation is ultra vires of the INA. This argument can be further bolstered if the court considers Justice Robert’s invocation of Justice Friendly in the census case,  Department of Commerce v. New York, favoring judicial  review of executive actions:

Our review is deferential, but we are “not required to exhibit a naiveté from which ordinary citizens are free.” United States v. Stanchich, 550 F. 2d 1294, 1300 (CA2 1977) (Friendly, J.). The reasoned explanation requirement of administrative law, after all, is meant to ensure that agencies offer genuine justifications for important decisions, reasons that can be scrutinized by courts and the interested public. Accepting contrived reasons would defeat the purpose of the enterprise. If judicial review is to be more than an empty ritual, it must demand something better than the explanation offered for the action taken in this case.

Furthermore, a presidential executive order cannot supersede a law previously passed by Congress. A case in point is Chamber of Commerce v. Reich,  74 F.3d 1322 (1996) which held that a 1995 executive order of President Clinton violated a provision of the National Labor Relations Act. President Clinton’s EO No. 12, 954 declared federal agencies shall not contract with employers that permanently replace lawfully striking employees. The lower district court held that the president’s interpretation of a statute was entitled to deference under Chevron U.S.A. Inc. v. NRDC, 467 U.S. 837 (1984).  The DC Court of Appeals, however, overruled the district court, without explicitly stating whether the president’s interpretation was entitled to Chevron deference or not.

It is also no secret that the Proclamation is designed to exclude immigrants from poorer countries from Latin America, Asia and Africa, which Trump has derided as “shithole countries.” The President’s derisive language towards Muslims was successfully used against him in the Fourth Circuit decision in IRAP v. Trump, to demonstrate that the Muslim ban violated the Establishment Clause of the US Constitution. It has also been used against him in litigation opposing the termination of Temporary Protected Status.  Although the Supreme Court did not consider violation of the Establishment Clause argument, it does not mean that plaintiffs cannot pursue constitutional arguments in Doe v. Trump. Here, the Proclamation has violated the Equal Protection Clause as it discriminates against immigrants from poorer countries who will not be able to afford the health insurance or will be forced to buy substandard insurance plans. The healthcare exchanges under the Affordable Care Act clearly allows a new immigrant to buy into a subsidized healthcare plan, which they cannot decline under a particular income level. This is inconsistent with the statutory and regulatory structure that directs a lawful permanent resident to do so under the ACA.

The American Immigration Lawyers Association along with a coalition of civil rights groups under Latino Network inspired the lawsuit, which makes me feel proud to be a member of AILA and especially AILA’s Administrative Litigation Task Force. We have a long road ahead as the government will respond with arguments in favor of presidential power, but now is the time to make the most compelling arguments to stop a president like Trump from invoking INA § 212(f) to rewrite immigration law in a way that is both inconsistent with the INA and with the foundational principle of America being a nation of immigrants.

 

Cyrus Mehta

Is the USCIS Improving or Undermining the Immigration System Through its Top Ten Ways?

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USCIS posted TOP TEN WAYS USCIS is improving the Integrity of the Immigration System. Really? Is USCIS improving the integrity of the system or undermining it? The USCIS has been mandated by Congress to grant benefits. Instead, it has usurped the role of ICE to become an enforcement agency. USCIS’s policies under President Trump and its Director, Francis Cissna,   have been mean spirited and cruel, designed to hurt individuals who are trying to come to or remain in the US legally. Their objective is to restrict immigration, and bring it to a grinding halt via the backdoor, something that the Trump administration has not been able to achieve as yet through Congress.

My responses to each Top Ten Way shows that USCIS is actually undermining the immigration system rather than improving it. To those who are dismayed at the sudden turn the USCIS has taken, including many employees of the USCIS who believe in America’s noble mission of welcoming immigrants, my advice is to ensure that the USCIS applies the Immigration and Nationality Act as intended by Congress rather than follow the current leadership’s meaningless Top Ten slogans! There is a general rule of statutory interpretation that when the legislature enacts an ameliorative law designed to forestall harsh results, the law should be interpreted in an ameliorative fashion, and any ambiguities especially in the immigration context, should be resolved in favor of the non-citizen. See e.g. Hernandez v. Ashcroft, 345 F.3d 824 (9th Cir. 2003). As the USCIS is mandated by Congress to implement the provisions of the INA that grant benefits and ameliorative relief, those provisions ought to be interpreted by the official in favor of the applicant seeking the benefit. Unfortunately, this is not the guiding mission of the USCIS through its Top Ten Ways.

1. FAITHFULLY EXECUTING THE LAW THROUGH UPDATED “NOTICE-TO-APPEAR (NTA) GUIDANCE

placing individuals in removal proceedings who have applied for an immigration benefit, are denied, and do not have any lawful status to remain in the United States. Previously, most such persons were not issued NTA.

My Response: It is a waste of resources to place every individual whose application for an immigration benefit is denied, often arbitrarily, in removal proceedings. Many would prefer to leave the United States than stay in the US in an unauthorized manner. Moreover, placing everyone in removal proceedings will overburden the immigration courts even more, resulting in further backlogs and delays. It would force individuals to appear for hearings when they would have otherwise left the country, or at least stayed up to the point they could appeal and reverse the denial. As  David Isaacson has aptly stated: “Subjecting well-meaning temporary workers, students, tourists and other nonimmigrants to immigration court proceedings, and even potential detention, just because USCIS disagrees with the merits of their application for extension of stay or change or adjustment of status, is indicative of a malicious attitude towards noncitizens.

2.  CLARIFYING “UNLAWFUL PRESENCE”

holding foreign students accountable by counting as unlawful presence all of the time they remain in the United States after violating the terms of their student admission. Previously, students could violate their student status and potentially remain and work illegally in the United States for years and not accrue a single day of unlawful presence.

My Response: There are many ways in which a student may technically violate status without even knowing it. Students are even found to be in violation of status when the school has authorized more than 12 months of Curricular Practical Training under the regulation.   A student would only come to know of the violation after departing the country, and being barred for 10 years from reentering the country. This clarification of unlawful presence upends over 20 years of the way “unlawful presence” has been interpreted, potentially in violation of the Administrative Procedures Act, and places students in even greater jeopardy than other nonimmigrants who may have been found to have violated status during their period of authorized stay.

3.  ENHANCING SCREENING AND VETTING

strengthening procedures, such as biometric (eg fingerprint) collection and in-person interviews, to ensure that those seeking immigration benefits are eligible and do not pose a risk to national security, and to strengthen identity management and deter fraud.

My Response: The new biometric procedure for nonimmigrant dependents applying for extension of status along with the principal is mean spirited. It is designed to cause further delay of the processing of their applications, and there is no need to subject dependent infants to biometrics. How do they pose a risk to national security?  The in-person interview of all applicants is also unnecessary in straight forward cases, and this new imposition is slowing down the granting of immigration benefits that deprive people of their ability to work and travel while their applications remain pending for longer than usual periods of time.

4. MORE EFFICIENT ASYLUM PROCESSING

increasing resources dedicated to processing asylum cases and reinstituting “last in, first out” (LIFO) processing of asylum cases to help recent asylum seekers and address new operational realities at the Southern border.

My Response: This policy delays those who filed asylum cases less recently. The asylum system only becomes efficient when all cases are processed quickly rather than the last cases. The goal of LIFO is not designed to  “help” recent asylum seekers, rather it is to apply the new restrictive social group interpretations  to those fleeing gang violence or domestic abuse from Northern Triangle countries, thus assuring the denial of their asylum applications and their swift deportation from the US

5. ENSURING PETITIONERS MEET THE BURDEN OF PROOF

rescinding guidance that requires USCIS officers to give deference to the findings of a previously approved petition by the same employer. Every petition for an immigration benefit should stand or fail on its own merit and USCIS officers should not have their hands tied in assessing whether a petition meets legal requirements.

My Response: It defies common sense to not give deference to a previously approved petition by the same employer when the facts and circumstances remain unchanged. For those who are caught in the never ending green card backlogs, their life has become ever more uncertain when they now apply for routine extension of their H-1B status and face the peril of a denial. Moreover, the preponderance of evidence standard is applicable when applying for an immigration benefit. This standard, requiring that there is more than a 50% chance that the claim is true, is being disregarded and petitioners must meet a standard that is higher than even the “beyond a reasonable doubt” standard that is required for proving guilt against a defendant in a criminal trial.

6. COMBATTING H-1B ABUSE AT THIRD-PARTY WORKSITES

ensuring that those who employ foreign workers that they seek to assign to client worksites establish eligibility for h-1B petition approval and comply with the terms of the petition approval; violation of the rules regarding placement of H-1B workers at client worksites and related abuse of those foreign workers can also result in injury to US workers

My Response:  Corporate America relies on H-1B workers to keep it efficient and the economy humming. The USCIS has made it impossible for petitioners to place H-1B workers at client sites without onerous and unnecessary documentation in order to establish a nexus between the petitioner and the client. The need to submit detailed statements from the end-client company regarding the specialized duties that the H-1B beneficiary will perform, as well as the qualifications that are required to perform those duties, would be extremely onerous. Since the end-client is not the ultimate employer of the beneficiary, most clients would be reluctant to provide such letters. Indeed, providing such letters would be tantamount to acknowledging an employment relationship with the beneficiary, which the end client has avoided by arranging to contract with the petitioner or intervening vendors for a project or to fill positions. As a result of a client’s unwillingness to provide the unreasonable documentation being required by the USCIS, petitioners are unable to successfully assign H-1B workers to clients’ project that critically need the H-1B worker’s skills.  This draconian policy relating to placement at their party sites of H-1B workers is designed not to combat legitimate abuse, but to kill a successful business model that has benefitted the American economy.

7. EXPANDING SITE VISITS

increasing site visits in employment-based visa programs to ensure employers of foreign workers are doing what they represented to the USICS.

 My Response: Under the site visit policy, USCIS officials in Fraud Detection and National Security come unannounced often catching unsuspecting employers and foreign workers off guard without the benefit of legal representation. If the foreign worker is legitimately not available during this surprise visit, due to sickness or vacation, fraud is needlessly suspected.  These officials are not so well trained in understanding the nuances of different nonimmigrant visas (such as an L-1A functional manager from an L-1A people manager) that has already been granted and adjudicated after a review of the evidence. The site visit official asks for evidence that may have no bearing to establish eligibility under the specific visa category.  As a result of misinterpretation of the law and the facts, many approved visa petitions get needlessly revoked causing great hardship to both the employer and the foreign worker.

8. PROTECTING U.S. WORKERS FROM DISCRIMINATION AND COMBATTING FRAUD

USCIS entered into a partnership with the Department of Justice to help deter, detect, and investigate discrimination against U.S. workers

My Response: No one can object to the need of protecting U.S. workers from legitimate discrimination. However, in a market-based economy, employers should also be free to hire the best workers most suited to their needs and the most qualified. Just because an employer hires qualified foreign workers, it should not axiomatically lead to an assumption that the employer is discriminating against US workers. .If the employer can hire the best workers without fear of discrimination, these workers make the business more profitable, which in turn results in more jobs for American workers.

9. STRENGTHENING INFORMATION SHARING

streamlining information sharing with other agencies to administer and enforce the immigration laws and ensure adherence to the President’s enforcement priorities

My Response: One can understand the need to share information between government agencies in the interests of national security in specific cases, but unnecessary sharing of information results in delays in the adjudication of an immigration benefit. It is also inappropriate for USCIS to share information to “ensure adherence to the President’s enforcement priorities.” USCIS should be in the business of granting benefits and leave enforcement priorities to ICE.

10. IMPROVING POLICIES AND REGULATIONS

proposing and implementing policies that better comport with the intent of the laws Congress has passed, including updating the EB-5 immigrant investor program, defining what it means to be a “public charge,” and eliminating work authorization for categories of foreign nationals that Congress did not intend to allow to work in the United States.

My Response: While the EB-5 immigrant investor program needs reform, simply raising the investment amounts without expanding visa numbers will kill the program. Foreign investors will no longer be drawn to the US to invest money in projects that create jobs for American workers. Also, proposing a regulation to rescind work authorization for H-4 spouses, most of whom are women and waiting for years in the green card backlogs, is downright cruel. It is also false to claim that Congress did not intend to allow work authorization for certain categories of foreign nationals. INA 274A(h)(3) gives the Attorney General, and now the Secretary of Homeland Security, broad flexibility to authorize an alien to be employed, thus rendering the alien not an “unauthorized alien” under the INA.  Finally, redefining the definition of “public charge” is essentially a subterfuge to find ways to deny immigration benefits to a broad swath of people.

I rest my case, and leave it to readers to decide whether USCIS is improving or undermining the immigration system through its TOP TEN WAYS!  I would recommend to Mr. Cissna that he spend his time and energy in finding ways to ensure that the INA works for individuals who wish to come to the US through legal means. There are many flaws in the nation’s immigration system that restrict pathways to legal status, and the INA clearly needs an urgent update, but USCIS’s current anti-immigration bias makes a bad situation even worse. The USCIS has the power to make America a welcoming nation for immigrants. Reverting to its former mission, rather than dabbling in President Trump’s enforcement priorities, when there is no basis in the INA for USCIS to do so,  would also keep its employees happier as well as being in the nation’s interest.

 

Cyrus Mehta

The Best Way for Trump to Offer “Love and Sympathy” is to Repeal the Muslim Ban

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In the aftermath of the killing of 49 people who were peacefully praying in two mosques in Christchurch by a white supremacist, it is worth reflecting on Trump’s travel ban  again.

Trump’s travel ban, also known as the Muslim ban, and all of his other immigration policies, are based on promoting white nationalism. It is thus little surprise that Trump did not firmly denounce white nationalism and did not view it as a worrying trend in the world and instead  blamed a small group of people “with very, very serious problems.” He did not show any revulsion for the suspected killer, Brenton Harrison Tarrant, even though in his manifesto Tarrant praised Trump “as a symbol of renewed white identity and common purpose.”

When Trump was a candidate he said “I think Islam hates us.” He also lied about Muslims across the river in New Jersey celebrating after the September 11 attacks. As a candidate, Trump audaciously called for a “total and complete shutdown for Muslims entering the United States.” It was this animus towards Islam that played to Trump’s electoral base that served as the backdrop for Trump’s executive orders banning people from mostly Muslim countries when he took office. The first two executive orders were struck down by courts. A modified third executive order was fashioned to survive court scrutiny, which was upheld by the Supreme Court in Trump v. Hawaii even though two lower courts of appeal struck it down as unconstitutional. The ban has empowered extremists and Islamophobes worldwide.

This may also be the reason why Trump did not specifically express empathy with Muslims in his tweet expressing condolence after the Christchurch massacres, which he tweeted shortly after an interview with Brietbart News where he suggested that his supporters would resort to violence:

My warmest sympathy and best wishes goes out to the people of New Zealand after the horrible massacre in the Mosques. 49 innocent people have so senselessly died, with so many more seriously injured. The U.S. stands by New Zealand for anything we can do. God bless all!

Neither does Trump condemn the killer in this tweet. He insensitively says “best wishes” as if it is a wedding and ends with “God bless all.” One can see white supremacists taking some comfort in this equivocal message. Recall his other infamous equivocal message when he defended neo Nazis in Charlottesville by stating that there are “very fine people on both sides.”  Compare Trump’s statements with those of New Zealand’s premier Jacinda Ardern’s expressing great solidarity with Muslims while wearing a dupatta. She also advised Trump to offer Muslim communities “sympathy and love” when he asked her what the United States could do to help New Zealand.

While nobody is expecting Trump to visit a mosque in Muslim dress, the best way for him to take up Ardern’s offer of “sympathy and love” is to repeal the Muslim ban. It does not matter that the Supreme Court in Trump v. Hawaii upheld the travel ban by a narrow 5-4 majority. The ban has contributed to global Islamophobia, which in turn inspires supremacists like the New Zealand killer to massacre peaceful Muslims during Friday prayer time. There has already been much criticism of the Supreme Court’s decision in Trump v. Hawaii. Although Trump made various utterances regarding his animus towards Muslims during his campaign and even after he became president, the majority found the third version of the executive order to be neutral on its face and that it did not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment of Constitution. Still, ironically, the majority overruled Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944), which upheld the forced internment of citizens of Japanese-American origin during World War II,  as having no place in the US Constitution. Yet in her powerful dissent, Justice Sotomayor found striking parallels between Korematsu and Trump’s ban. For example, both executive orders were based on dangerous stereotypes about particular groups’ inability to assimilate and their intent to harm the United States.  In both cases, there were scant national security justifications. In both cases, there was strong evidence that there was impermissible animus and hostility that motivated the government’s policy. The Supreme Court’s decision in Trump v. Hawaii is destined to be viewed in the same way as Korematsu – a shameful low point in Supreme Court history.

The Muslim ban views every national of a banned country as  suspect and as someone who possesses a grave threat to the United States even if this person is a grandmother or a baby. While it is true that nationals of banned countries can seek waivers, such waivers are seldom granted and have been viewed as a farce. The ban separates a foreign national spouse of the banned country from uniting with the US citizen spouse. The ban also prevents a banned country national from studying in a US university, taking up employment as a skilled professional on an H-1B visa or attending an academic conference as a visitor. While one is hard pressed to conclude whether the ban  furthers the national security interests of this nation, it definitely inspires white supremacists, who like the Christchurch killer believe that white people will be replaced by Muslims, blacks and Jews who will eventually subordinate them. In his manifesto, the killer referred to himself as a “regular white man” and that he was carrying out this attack to “directly reduce immigration rates to European lands by intimidating and physically removing the invaders themselves.” This is so similar to Trump’s rhetoric where he refers to the “caravan” of Central American migrants as invaders to justify the Wall, which is lapped up by white nationalists. Trump also falsely claimed when speaking about the dangers of the caravan that prayer rugs were found at the border to keep his base happy but also playing to their basest instincts. How could Trump denounce white nationalism when asked about it in the aftermath of Christchurch when he has the support of white nationalists and his immigration policy promotes white nationalism? White nationalism can only be eradicated if Trump is first universally condemned for inspiring it.

Can Trump rise up to the challenge and repeal the travel ban, and reverse so many other of his harsh immigration policies that do nothing to further America’s interests? It is the millions of immigrants who came to America since its inception for a better life that have contributed to the nation’s greatness. Trump has nothing to make America great by undermining the notion of America as a nation of immigrants. Instead, his immigration policies have been deployed to please his mostly white voter base who are insecure that immigrants are invading their country. His base does not represent the majority of Americans who have a positive view of immigrants. Trump’s slogan “Make America Great Again” is code for making America white again. Trump likes to cast himself as an incredible leader who has achieved more than any other president in his first two years, but that claim merely exists as fantasy in his mind. A leader can do better than catering to people’s vilest and basest fears, as Trump has done so far.  A leader must inspire Americans to embrace immigrants who, like sugar dissolving in a bowl of full of milk, have sweetened the nation with their enterprise, talents and culture.

Trump’s travel ban is a mere executive order that can be withdrawn with the stroke of a pen. If he does so, it would be a powerful symbolic gesture for expressing solidarity with Muslims after the horrific Christchurch massacres and a blow to the cause of white supremacists and Islamophobes.  If Trump cannot rise to the occasion and view white nationalism as a rising global threat, he will deservedly be viewed no better than a vile white supremacist even though he rose to become president of the United States,  and consigned to history’s garbage bin.