Tag Archive for: APA

Cyrus Mehta

A Tale of Two Cases – Washtech v. DHS and Texas v. USA: To What Extent can the Executive Branch Allow Noncitizens to Remain and Work in the US

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By Cyrus D. Mehta and Kaitlyn Box*

To what extent can the Executive Branch allow noncitizens to remain and work in the US when there is no explicit provision in the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) covering these categories of noncitizens? Two courts of appeals have ruled differently in recent decisions. One court found authority while the other court did not. The D.C. Circuit addressed the question of F-1 students and whether they could remain in the U.S. after graduation for practical training. Citing DHS’ authority under INA § 214(a)(1) and the long history of post-graduation practical training, the court upheld OPT. The Fifth Circuit confronted a different issue – that of young people who came to the U.S. and whether they could remain in the country through deferred action. Finding that DACA exceeds DHS’ inherent authority to exercise prosecutorial discretion, the court struck down the program, though deferred action is a well-established practice like OPT.

On October 4, 2022, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit issued its opinion in Washington Alliance of Technology Workers v. the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (“Washtech v. DHS”). The case involved a challenge to the STEM Optional Practical Training (OPT) rules by the Washington Alliance of Technology Workers (Washtech), a union representing tech workers. DHS allows eligible students in STEM fields an additional 24 month OPT extension beyond the usual 12 month OPT period. Washtech argued that “the statutory definition of the F-1 visa class precludes the Secretary from exercising the time-and conditions authority to allow F-1 students to remain for school recommended practical training after they complete their coursework”. Washtech read INA § 101(a)(15)(F)(i) as authorizing DHS to allow F-1 students to remain in the U.S. only until they have completed their course of study, as the provision does not specifically mention post-graduation practical training. The court affirmed a district court judgment that upheld DHS’ current OPT rules. The court reasoned that the STEM OPT extension is a valid exercise of DHS’ authority under in INA § 214(a)(1) to promulgate regulations that authorize an F-1 student’s stay in the U.S. beyond graduation. The court further noted that “practical training not only enhances the educational worth of a degree program, but often is essential to students’ ability to correctly use what they have learned when they return to their home countries. That is especially so in STEM fields, where hands-on work is critical for understanding fast-moving technological and scientific developments.” Judge Pillard, who authored the opinion, noted that the concept of post-coursework practical training for foreign students predates the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, pointing to a 1947 rule which “allowed foreign students ‘admitted temporarily to the United States . . . for the purpose of pursuing a definite course of study’ to remain here for up to eighteen months following completion of coursework for ‘employment for practical training’ as required or recommended by their school”. Under Lorillard v. Pons, 434 U.S. 575, 580 (1978), Congress is presumed to be aware of an administrative interpretation of a statute and to adopt that interpretation when it reenacts its statutes without change. Practical training has been authorized even prior to the enactment of the INA in 1952.  In previous blogs, we have discussed Congressional authority for OPT at length, see here, here, here, and here.

In Texas v. U.S., decided on October 5, 2022, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit ruled that the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program is unlawful, upholding an earlier decision by Judge Andrew Hanen of the United States District Court for the Southern District of Texas. Although the practice of deferred action, of which the DACA program is a form, has also existed for decades, the Fifth Circuit’s decision was much less favorable than that of the D.C. Circuit. The court reasoned that the DACA program exceeds DHS’ inherent authority to exercise prosecutorial discretion, as “declining to prosecute does not transform presence deemed unlawful by Congress into lawful presence and confer eligibility for otherwise unavailable benefits based on that change”. Further, the court found that there is no “clear congressional authorization” for DACA. In light of a recent regulation promulgated by the Biden administration to “preserve and fortify” DACA, the case was remanded to the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Texas. Although DACA lives for now, it remains on the respirator as both the district court and the Fifth Circuit have consistently held that DACA is not authorized by the INA, and notwithstanding the new regulation, may still be held to be unlawful.

Though the courts in these cases arrived at few different outcomes, the two decisions share at least one commonality – both made reference to the “major question” doctrine recently introduced in West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S. Ct. 2587 (2022). There the Supreme Court held that “in certain extraordinary cases” where it is unclear whether an agency action was authorized by Congress, “given both separation of powers principles and a practical understanding of legislative intent, the agency must point to ‘clear congressional authorization’ for the authority it claims”.  Such extraordinary cases where the “major questions” doctrine is invoked have vast economic and political significance.  Interestingly, the dissent in Washtech indicated that the issue of whether DHS’ 2016 OPT Rule exceeds its statutory authority is a “major question”. Finding that the major questions doctrine applied, the dissent in Washtech directed the district court upon remand to examine whether DHS had the authority to issue OPT regulations under this principle.

In footnote 206, the court in Texas v. USA cited West Virginia v. EPA in holding that DHS had no Congressional authority to implement DACA. The court also held that DACA did not pass the first step of the Chevron test, which asks “whether Congress has ‘directly addressed the precise question at issue.’” Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Nat. Res. Def. Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984). The court in Washtech analyzed the OPT rule under the lens of Chevron also, but gave DHS’ interpretation of INA § 214(a)(1) deference.

If the major questions doctrine is implemented in this way, it could result in fewer agency actions receiving Chevron deference. Chevron gives the Biden administration the ability to interpret the INA by implementing OPT and DACA programs, so it is hoped that the major questions doctrine does not impede the application of this longstanding precedent. Moreover, immigration decisions unlike environmental cases ought not to be cases involving vast economic and political significance.  The majority decision in Washtech involved challenges to the INA provisions that provide the authority for noncitizens to remain in the U.S. The court gave due deference under Chevron to the executive’s interpretation of INA § 214(a)(1) and upheld OPT. The majority did not reference the “major questions” doctrine in Virginia v. EPA.  The Fifth Circuit, on the other hand, held that  DHS cannot rely on INA § 103(a)(3) as a basis for implementing DACA, and cited Virginia v. EPA. This provision states that the DHS Secretary “shall establish such regulations; prescribe such forms of bond, reports, entries, and other papers; issue such instructions; and perform such other acts as he deems necessary for carrying out his authority under the provisions of the Act.” This provision is comparable to INA § 214(a)(1), which the First Circuit held provided the basis for F-1 OPT. INA § 214(a)(1) provides that “[t]he admission to the United States of any alien as a nonimmigrant shall be for such time and under such conditions as the Attorney General may by regulations prescribe…….”

Although the Washtech case dealt with students, the D.C. Circuit’s decision can serve as a template for the Supreme Court to uphold the authority for other categories of noncitizens to remain in the U.S., including DACA recipients. The same deference that the D.C. Circuit afforded to the executive’s authorization of OPT ought to also be given to the government’s interpretation of INA § 103(a)(3) and 6 USC § 202(5) so that the DACA program is upheld.

Another interesting issue discussed in both cases is whether the Executive Branch can issue work authorization to noncitizens. The court in Washtech upheld the authority of the executive to grant employment authorization documents (EADs) under INA § 274(a)(h)(3), which has long provided authority for the Executive Branch to provide employment authorization to broad categories of noncitizens. The executive’s authority to grant EADs under this provision had been soundly rejected by the Fifth Circuit in the earlier DAPA decision and Judge Hanen’s lower court decision in Texas v. U.S. In footnote 37, Hanen’s decision makes reference to INA §274a(h)(3) as a definitional miscellaneous provision, which cannot provide the basis for DACA and the grant of EADs, while the First Circuit relied on the same provision as a statutory basis for OPT EAD.

Charles Dickens opened his A Tale of Two Cities with the following famous line: “It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us, we were all going direct to Heaven, we were all going direct the other way – in short, the period was so far like the present period, that some of its noisiest authorities insisted on its being received, for good or for evil, in the superlative degree of comparison only.” Like London and Paris in Dickens’ novel, Washtech and Texas are comparable in some respects and very different in others. Though Texas may represent the worst of times and the age of foolishness, Washtech ushers in an age of wisdom and the best of times for foreign students hoping to gain practical training in the U.S.

(This blog is for informational purposes and should not be viewed as a substitute for legal advice).

*Kaitlyn Box graduated with a JD from Penn State Law in 2020, and is an Associate at Cyrus D. Mehta & Partners PLLC.

 

David Isaacson

My Comment on Proposed Draconian Changes to Asylum Regulations – Do You Have One Too?

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The Department of Homeland Security and the Executive Office of Immigration Review (the agency within the Department of Justice that runs the immigration courts) have jointly proposed a new rule entitled “Procedures for Asylum and Withholding of Removal; Credible Fear and Reasonable Fear Review” that would drastically change the law in the United States governing applications for asylum and other protection from persecution and torture. The proposed rule is very lengthy, but its common theme is the creation of many different reasons to deny protection to asylum-seekers, sometimes even without a hearing.

If the new rule were finalized as proposed and were to take effect, applications for asylum could be denied for reasons such as being based on gender or domestic violence, being based on a political opinion that doesn’t match the new narrow definition of what a political opinion should be, or because the applicant had traveled through too many countries on the way to the United States, or had not been able, as an undocumented immigrant, to pay all of their taxes exactly correctly. People could be deported without a full hearing because the court of appeals for the area where they happened to be detained had issued a decision disfavoring their kind of claim, even if other courts of appeals had ruled differently and the Supreme Court might resolve the conflict in their favor. People could also be deported without a hearing because the immigration judge reading their paper application thought they had no claim for asylum without hearing from them directly at all.

These changes have been strongly criticized by the American Immigration Lawyers Association and the National Immigrant Justice Center, among other groups. They can be criticized in a meaningful way by anyone with an interest in this area, as well, because the government has, as required under the Administrative Procedure Act (APA), invited public comment regarding the proposed rule.

Public comments on the proposed rulemaking “must be submitted on or before July 15, 2020”, and can be submitted online “prior to midnight eastern time at the end of that day.” The link to submit a comment online is https://www.regulations.gov/comment?D=EOIR-2020-0003-0001 . Comments can also be submitted by mail, if postmarked by July 15, for those who may prefer that method of communication, in which case they should be directed to Lauren Alder Reid, Assistant Director, Office of Policy, Executive Office for Immigration Review, 5107 Leesburg Pike, Suite 1800, Falls Church, VA 22041. Comments must be “identified by the agency name and reference RIN 1125-AA94 or EOIR Docket No. 18-0002”.

The main online comment field is restricted to 5,000 characters. I have drafted a comment that currently uses 4,996 of those characters. There is much to criticize about the rule beyond what I could fit under that limit, and I am considering whether to attach a longer criticism to my final online comment as a PDF document. There may be no guarantee that DHS and EOIR would read my attachment, but then again there is no guarantee, other than the prospect of litigation under the APA, that they will truly consider any of the comments, and I do not think there would be any legal merit to a refusal to consider a comment just because part of it was submitted as an attached PDF. Anyone else who has more to say than the 5,000 character limit may want to consider providing an attachment as well.

But whether or not you have more than 5,000 characters to say about this outrageous attack on asylum, I would strongly recommend that you say something. The more substantively different comments that are received (duplicates will be given little weight), the more objections DHS and EOIR will need to consider and address before promulgating a final rule.

The current version of my comment, which I may revise before the Wednesday deadline but am posting now in the hope that it may inspire other comments, is as follows:

As a lawyer whose practice has included asylum work for nearly 15 years, I write to comment on DHS/EOIR RIN 1125-AA94. The common thread of this proposal is disregard for the law in an effort to limit access to asylum and related relief however possible.

It is inappropriate for credible fear reviews, per proposed 8 CFR 1003.42(f), to consider only “decisions of the federal courts of appeals binding in the jurisdiction where the immigration judge conducting the review sits” and not those of other courts of appeals. The credible fear process is meant to ascertain if “there is a significant possibility, taking into account the credibility of the statements made by the alien in support of the alien’s claim and such other facts as are known to the officer, that the alien could establish eligibility for asylum”. INA §235(b)(1)(B)(v). There may be a “significant possibility” that venue will be changed to the jurisdiction of a different court of appeals before a decision on the asylum application: credible fear reviews will often be conducted near the border or an international airport, while aliens released on bond or parole may not remain nearby. Or, if there is a conflict between courts of appeals, there may be a “significant possibility” that the Supreme Court could resolve the conflict, see Supreme Court R. 10(a), in favor of a different circuit. As formerly set out in guidance for asylum officers, aliens should be given the benefit of favorable case law from a different circuit than the one where a determination is made. When a claim has a significant chance of success under the law of any circuit, there is a significant possibility that the alien could ultimately establish eligibility for asylum.

Requiring applicants in credible fear proceedings to establish “a reasonable possibility” of persecution or torture is inappropriate. Credible fear review is meant as a brief screening process. High standards increase the risk that people may be sent to their deaths or torture. It is bad enough to run this risk in INA §238 proceedings for people with aggravated felony convictions, who might themselves pose risk, or in reinstatement of removal, for people who have theoretically had a prior opportunity to seek protection. It is worse to do so for non-criminals who face a policy-based bar to asylum during their first opportunity to request U.S. protection.

The regulation should not exclude, from the definition of particular social group, claims involving “interpersonal disputes” or “private criminal acts” “of which governmental authorities were unaware or uninvolved.” Private harm based on membership in an otherwise qualified particular social group, which the government is unable or unwilling to prevent, is persecution, see, e.g., Rosales-Justo v. Sessions, 895 F.3d 154 (1st Cir. 2018); Pan v. Holder, 777 F.3d 540, 543 (2d Cir. 2015), even if governmental authorities were unaware or uninvolved.

Nor is it appropriate to preclude claims based on domestic violence or gender. This is inconsistent with, for example, Canadian refugee law. See, e.g., Kauhonina v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2018 FC 1300; Jeanty v. Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration), 2019 FC 453.

Proposing to “define political opinion as one . . . in which the applicant possesses an ideal or conviction in support of the furtherance of a discrete cause related to political control of a state or a unit thereof” is also indefensible. An opinion about what policy should be, as opposed to who should control the state, is still political. As a matter of English usage, we would not say that everyone who supports the same candidates for President, governor, Congress, state legislature, etc., must have all the same political opinions. People may differ on such matters as whether abortion should be legal, but vote for the same party—there are pro-choice Republicans like Senator Lisa Murkowski, or pro-life Democrats like Senator Bob Casey. If Senator Murkowski would vote for the same Republican candidates as someone who believes abortion should be illegal, this does not mean the two have no differing political opinions. Persecution of Senator Murkowski for her view on abortion would be based on political opinion even if the persecutor agreed with her votes for Republican candidates.

The list of 9 adverse factors supporting denial of asylum as a matter of discretion is inappropriate. The better, well-established rule is that “the danger of future persecution can overcome all but the strongest adverse factors.” Huang v. INS, 436 F.3d 89, 100 (2d Cir. 2006). Basing denial on how many countries an alien traveled through (perhaps to change planes) is absurdly arbitrary; the other 8 are little better.

The reduction in confidentiality, besides being inappropriate, should not apply retroactively. Those subject to the prior regulatory promise of secrecy should retain its benefits.

5,000 characters is not enough to rebut this 43-page monstrosity.

Cyrus Mehta

Can the Arbitrary and Capricious Standard Under the Administrative Procedure Act Save DACA?

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The Supreme Court announced on June 28, 2019 that it would consider the legality of President Trump’s ending of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals Program.  Although federal courts in New York, California and Washington DC have blocked Trump’s efforts to block DACA, the Supreme Court decided to take up the matter striking fear in the hearts of Dreamers. The Supreme Court had previously declined to take up DACA, and so it needn’t have prematurely considered the ongoing challenges in the lower courts to Trump’s rescission of the program, which have benefitted 800,000 Dreamers.  Given the Supreme Court’s new conservative majority, there is a chance that the Court could uphold Trump’s action. It is indeed paradoxical that the nation’s highest court is viewed with fear by many vulnerable immigrants rather than as a protector of their rights.

Still, even though DACA was initiated by President Obama as an executive action, it cannot be arbitrarily and capriciously rescinded by the next president.

In one of the lower court decisions in April 2018, NAACP v. Trump, Judge Bates invoked 5 U.S.C. §706(2)(A) of the Administrative Procedure Act to stay President Trump’s decision to rescind DACA.  The APA provides that a court “shall … hold unlawful and set aside agency action … found to be … arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion, or otherwise not in accordance with law.” 5 U.S.C. § 706(2)(A). Judge Bates ruled that the Trump administration provided scant legal reasoning to support its justification that DACA was unlawful. “A conclusory assertion that a prior policy is illegal, accompanied by a hodgepodge of illogical or post hoc policy assertions, simply will not do,” Judge Bates opined in a further ruling in August 2018.

The ability for a court to set aside a decision by the administration under the Administrative Procedure Act if it is “arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion, or not otherwise in accordance with law” is a powerful tool. It can be invoked by a foreign national who may no longer be able to remain in the United States based on the government’s unlawful actions. §706(2)(A) has also been successfully invoked in recent challenges to denials of H-1B requests by employers and foreign nationals.

Will the Supreme Court rely on §706(2)(A) to hold that Trump’s justification was arbitrary and capricious? One can find a clue in the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Department of Commerce v. New York where it questioned the Commerce Secretary’s insertion of a citizenship question in the 2020 census form. Plaintiffs challenged the insertion of the citizenship question on the ground that it would result in a chilling effect. Census Bureau experts had warned that adding the citizenship question would result in a significant undercount of households with at least one noncitizen member. The Supreme Court, in this case, examined whether the Commerce Secretary’s action was arbitrary and capricious under 706(2)(A) of the APA. Mr. Ross’s reason for adding the citizenship question was “solely” because the Justice Department “initiated the request” for the purpose of enforcing the Voting Rights Act, which relies on  data collected by the Census Bureau.  However, Chief Justice Roberts, writing for the majority along with the four liberal justice, indicated that “the evidence tells a story that does not match the explanation the Secretary gave for his decision.” The chief justice further opined that the voting rights rationale offered by Mr. Ross depended on an “incongruent” explanation that was not supported by proper evidence. “It is rare to review a record as extensive as the one before us when evaluating informal agency action — and it should be,” Chief Justice Roberts wrote. “But having done so for the sufficient reasons we have explained, we cannot ignore the disconnect between the decision made and the explanation given.” The Supreme Court remanded the matter to the lower court so that the Commerce Department could provide a better explanation.

The Supreme Court’s decision in Department of Commerce v. New York may provide a sliver of hope on how the Supreme Court may rule, if Justice Roberts and the four liberal justices again reach agreement that the administration’s justification in rescinding DACA was arbitrary and capricious under the APA. The key issue is whether the post hoc rationalization by the Trump administration for rescinding the DACA program by DHS Secretary Nielsen  was arbitrary and capricious in light of an earlier 2014 Department of Justice memo justifying its legibility.

The Trump administration’s animus against immigrants is no secret, and all its actions, whether it was the imposition of the travel ban against nationals of mainly Muslim countries or the repeal of DACA are driven by this animus. It is thus heartening that the Supreme Court did not make the same mistake as it made in Trump v. Hawaii by taking at face value Commerce Secretary’s “contrived” explanation for adding the citizenship question. It is hoped that the Supreme Court will continue on the same trajectory when it rules on  President Trump’s rescission of DACA, and emphasize that although President Trump has broad powers relating to immigration, his actions must be held against the arbitrary and capricious standard under §706(2)(A) of the APA. Since most of the Trump administration’s actions have been executive rather than legislative, challenging them under the APA appears to be the most viable and effective path. Justice Robert’s invocation of Justice Friendly in the census decision is especially relevant as the Supreme Court continues to review Trump’s executive actions relating to immigrants:

Our review is deferential, but we are “not required to exhibit a naiveté from which ordinary citizens are free.” United States v. Stanchich, 550 F. 2d 1294, 1300 (CA2 1977) (Friendly, J.). The reasoned explanation requirement of administrative law, after all, is meant to ensure that agencies offer genuine justifications for important decisions, reasons that can be scrutinized by courts and the interested public. Accepting contrived reasons would defeat the purpose of the enterprise. If judicial review is to be more than an empty ritual, it must demand something better than the explanation offered for the action taken in this case.